Commonwealth of LibertyBoard

^{-- SOUTHERN RHODESIA --}

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^{MAY 1968}

^{|-| Economic changes, trade, a new flag, and Afrikaner recognition. |-|}

^{To combat supply shortages, Rhodesia will enact a series of economic changes, and trade changes. The flag of Rhodesia has been changed and the Afrikaner language is being introduced.}

^{Economic Changes
| In the wake of new conditions within Rhodesia due to stockpiles emptying along with the panic caused by it, Ian Smith's administration passed several emergency acts which were granted to him by the parliament, the acts passed include supply rationing, rediverting of funding, distribution of any equipment or items, and the ability to use the RSF to maintain order, and many more may be introduced should the situation continue to become worse. Changes do seem to be working, however.}

^{| The government has begun preparing to use funds to purchase food, meat, and vegetables specifically, from farmers domestically, using a system somewhat similar to state-managed corporatism to fuel the economy and circulate supplies. Additionally, the BSAC has begun preparations to utilise smaller companies and various market methods to get around sanctions, aiming to begin importing from foreign private businesses, specifically those in the Western World, consumer goods, and other vitally needed things.}

^{| The BSAC has contacted its offices in South Africa to begin trading goods from the market there into Rhodesia in a quick manner. They also used funds to pay smaller companies to import goods into South Africa and then into Rhodesia using BSAC and the physical border to avoid direct association with the Rhodesian government, which would prove problematic if significant links were found. The Zambezi, a large river that goes into Rhodesia, may also be used by traders to get goods into the nation avoiding direct ties to the Rhodesian government. BSAC, which has indirect ties to elements of the Rhodesian government, is being given a small funding increase via state business programs of three hundred and forty thousand ($340,000) to begin these operations.}

^{A new flag
| Rhodesians have a rather unique culture, settled Europeans with ties to an island a continent away and taking influence from another settled group of people in a similar situation to the south. Whilst many Rhodesians considered themselves British before UDI, the sanctions and general lack of international recognition have led to a new identity being formed by the European inhabitants of Rhodesia. The flag change, introduced in early May, was overwhelmingly accepted by the European camp of parliament due to the flag's representation of Rhodesia's people and became a somewhat de facto flag in parliament for most of the month. On the 30th of May, the flag, a green and white tricolour with the COA of Rhodesia in the centre, was signed into law as being the official flag of Rhodesia by a vote in the European camp. Reactions are mixed within the nation, Africans have mostly remained silent with a minority opposing it and Europeans have expressed approval vastly. Recent events have made this flag change somewhat notable for the people, mostly Europeans, who are still dealing with the shocks of the attacks in Chinhoyi and Kariba. The old flag may still be used in documents and official papers for another two (2) years.}

^{Afrikaner Language Recognition
| As previously mentioned, Rhodesians have taken influence from the Dutch-originating settlers in South Africa, and many Rhodesians consider their struggles to be somewhat similar and relatable to those of the Afrikaners. The result of this is a sympathetic and positive outlook towards Afrikaners from European Rhodesians and a positive look towards Europeans in Rhodesia from around twenty-five thousand (~25,000) Afrikaners inhabiting the nation, many of whom play important economic and political roles within the country. Considering this, serious debate was raised by many, including the Minister of Labour and Social Welfare, Rowan Cronjé, who himself is Afrikaner, on whether to recognise or adopt Afrikaner into some form of official language either nationally or locally in some areas. Afrikaners have their own institutions as are customs within Rhodesia, so the changes to daily life by making Afrikaner an official language are likely not large or significant, however, it may serve to improve relations and secure support from the Afrikaner community for Ian Smith's Rhodesia Front Party, which wouldn't mind the solidifying some votes. Efforts to make Afrikaner an official language have begun to move into lawmaker's hands.}

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_{P O L I S H‎ ‎ ‎ P E O P L E ' S ‎ ‎ R E P U B L IC‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ •‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ P O L S K A‎ ‎ ‎ R Z E C Z P O S P O L I T A‎ ‎ ‎ L U D O W A}

_{Power Struggle Ensues!
June, 1968}
|_{Chairman Ochab resigns from Position}|

| _{In his comparatively shorter tenure as Chairman, spanning four years, Edward Ochab maintained stability within the [P.Z.P.R.], offering steadfast support to Party Secretary Władysław Gomułka—despite his initial objections to Gomułka's rise. Now, at the age of 62, Ochab reflects on a bygone era, recalling his days of resistance against Nazi occupation and his country's liberation. However, as the [P.Z.P.R.] faces increasing internal divisions, Ochab acknowledges the evolving challenges of this new era, realizing that his influence may be waning despite his earnest efforts. And now its his responsibility to pass on the torch to the next generation of Polish men to lead the country.} |

Dear Esteemed Council Members,

It is with a heavy heart and a deep sense of responsibility that I submit my resignation from the position of Chairman of the Council of State. After much contemplation, I believe it is time for a new chapter to unfold in the leadership of our esteemed organization.

Over the past four years, it has been an honor to serve in this capacity and contribute to the growth of the [P.Z.P.R.]. My support for Party Secretary Władysław Gomułka, despite initial reservations, was rooted in my commitment to the principles we hold dear. However, as we navigate through a period marked by internal divisions within our party, I am compelled to acknowledge the evolving dynamics that require fresh perspectives and renewed vigor.

At the age of 62, I find myself reflecting on the remarkable journey we have undertaken together. My memories of our hard work will forever remain etched in my heart. However, I recognize that the challenges we face today demand a leadership that can navigate this new era with unwavering resilience and adaptability.

I have full confidence in the collective wisdom and dedication of our council members to steer the [P.Z.P.R.] toward continued success. It has been an honor to serve alongside each of you, and I am grateful for the support and collaboration we have shared.

May the spirit of solidarity and the principles of our party guide us in the times ahead. I look forward to witnessing the continued growth and prosperity of our organization under new leadership.

With sincere regards,

Edward Ochab

| _{In the wake of former Chairman Edward Ochab's unexpected resignation, the entire nation, much like the [P.Z.P.R], was caught off guard by his departure from Polish politics. This event sent the Polish media into a frenzy, making it the latest and hottest topic across the country. As a glaring question emerged, the nation pondered: Who will succeed Ochab as Chairman? While the public and media extensively deliberated over Ochab's resignation and career—given his significant prominence among Polish minds—a power struggle, years in the making, unfolded between two opposing factions within the [P.Z.P.R]. On one side stood the Moscow-aligned traditionalists, colloquially known as the [Old Guard], while on the other side emerged the diverse coalition of independent thinkers, referred to as the [New Generation]. Only time will tell which faction played the better card.} |

_{¹ A Series: The Struggle For Power, With the retirement of a Lion, the fight for the throne begins.}

_{Written for the RMB Screen of the}
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June 1968
_{Take a Stand}

D I E    B U N D E S R E P U B L I K

CARSTENS SPEAKS
_{FRANKFURT, THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, New Provenance - EVENING}

| With a blue and red tie, his suit neatly pressed, KARL CARSTENS - the closest thing Germany has to an "elder statesman" after the passing of Konrad Adenauer - sat across from Greta Fischer, an interviewer and anchor for DEUTSCHE WELLE - the German television news broadcaster. Around them, various staffers and camera crews were rushing about, preparing for the live interview. Carstens smiled as he took a sip from his glass of water and conversed casually with Fischer. Then, a red light blinked nearby, and Carstens cleared his throats. The lights off-set dimmed, and the camera crew counted down, 3 . . . 2 . . . 1 . . . |

| _{GRETA FISCHER, DW ANCHOR} | "Guten morgen. I'm Greta Fischer, for Deutsche Welle. Today we have an interview with an exclusive guest, CDU parliamentary leader and reported Erhard successor Karl Carstens. Welcome to DW, Herr Carstens."

| _{KARL CARSTENS, CDU DEPUTY LEADER} | "Thank you for having me, Greta."

| _{GRETA FISCHER, DW ANCHOR} | "Well, we should get right to it. What do you make of the reports that Ludwig Erhard, the father of the economy, as they call him, has selected you and Rainer Barzel as his two apprentices?"

| CARSTENS smiled lightly, taking a moment before answering. |

| _{KARL CARSTENS, CDU DEPUTY LEADER} | "Well, I'm in no position to make assumptions, but me and Herr Barzel have been engaged regularly with Herr Erhard and other members of the Christian Democrat leadership. We're working hard to regain a working government for the German people."

| _{GRETA FISCHER, DW ANCHOR} | "How does the CDU plan to make that comeback? New polling shows the government of Chancellor Brandt possibly bouncing back, especially with the economy on the uptick since investors have gotten used to the global climate."

| _{KARL CARSTENS, CDU DEPUTY LEADER} | _(chuckling) "I think our plan is clear. We're going to make an honest case to voters, because that is what democracy is. Herr Brandt has led an SPD government since 1961 now, and we have barely seen any significant, monumental change. In the 1950s under CDU we saw that change, and I think voters recognize that we need that."

| The ANCHOR nods, scribbling notes onto a piece of paper. |

| _{GRETA FISCHER, DW ANCHOR} | "The CDU has promoted a return to the low-taxes, high-energy export economy of the 1950s that propelled the economy to great heights. People call that the Wirtschaftwunder, the economic miracle. But there are a growing part of the political class that argue that we need to move on from those sorts of economics. That the world is changing and globalizing. What do you say to those critics?"

| _{KARL CARSTENS, CDU DEPUTY LEADER} | "I'm more comfortable with using what is tried and tested than trying something we have no proof will work. I understand the sentiment for some socialist principles in society, but the Federal Republic was built fundamentally as a free, capitalist society where businesses thrive and where Germans thrive. Our goal is to bring back that thriving economy by refocusing our efforts on expanding our export economy, signing trade deals to open new markets, and strengthening our economic and financial position on the world stage."

| _{GRETA FISCHER, DW ANCHOR} | "And how do you plan to do that? Some members of the SPD have critiqued your rhetoric, saying there's no solid policies behind it."

| _{KARL CARSTENS, CDU DEPUTY LEADER} | "We do have solid policies behind them. Lower taxes for businesses, a more respectful and a more free business environment. Less restrictive regulations. Empowerment of family values in the economy and in the social issues. Building a good foreign policy portfolio with our Western allies to strengthen our economic standing in Europe and on the broader world stage."

| _{GRETA FISCHER, DW ANCHOR} | "Speaking of foreign policy, Herr Carstens, how do you stand on the public debates currently ongoing over the Brandt government's justification to conduct Ostpolitik, the rapproachment of relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, or GDR. Do you think that the East is engaging in these negotiations in good faith?"

| CARSTENS takes a deep breath, glancing around for a moment before answering, slowly, deliberately and seriously. |

| _{KARL CARSTENS, CDU DEPUTY LEADER} | "Ahh. I think foreign policy should be guided by what is best for the people of Germany and the people of Europe. I appreciate these talks, the idea of opening lines of communication with the Eastern government. But we cannot recognize the fact that Germany is possibly permanently divided, no. I cannot accept that. As a German, I want to live to see the reunification of our two republics under a common, free, liberty-loving banner and under democratic ideology. Recognizing the hard border between two separate groups of Germans may permanently prevent that."

| _{GRETA FISCHER, DW ANCHOR} | "So you oppose the government's current stance on Ostpolitik?"

| _{KARL CARSTENS, CDU DEPUTY LEADER} | "Yes, I oppose it. I support peace, but I do not support permanently dividing Germany into two. Our country and our people deserve better than that, and we should take a stand in the next election against plans to potentially leave the current division permanent. CDU is for unity, not for division."

T H E   S L O V E N E   R E P U B L I C   •   S L O V E N S K A   R E P U B L I K A

SLOVENE CARGO SHIP BOUND FOR NORDEN TORPEDOED; AT THE BRINK OF WAR, THE SLOVENE GOVERNMENT DEMANDS DECISIVE ACTION FROM THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY

^{AT THE PRECIPICE
JUNE 1968}

Even with the warship on the horizon, it could not have been anticipated. Yugoslavian warnings in international waters were scarcely taken seriously—the Yugoslavian torpedoing of a fishing trawler in 1952 had certainly faded from the public memory, and threats from the nation had cheapened considerably over the decades. This time, though—on the afternoon of 4 June 1968—it truly came to pass.

Idle chatter, lunch on a cloudy afternoon—it all came to a halt as the screech of torn metal and the concussion of the blast sent water columning upward with the force of a thousand waterfalls. The ship, the Zajec, was hit. The torpedo had shorn through the hull like a hot knife through butter, and the fuel tanks quickly caught fire. As the smoke billowed and the caustic flames began to slowly consume the ship, the crew quickly moved to launch the lifeboats. However, it was not to be. A second torpedo struck the ship’s keel and the entire stern of the vessel was fast plunged into the glittering waters of the Adriatic. Despite the colossal length of the cargo ship, it took mere minutes for it to be altogether swallowed by the abyss. Only two of the twenty crew survived, fortunate enough to have boarded and launched the only lifeboat spared annihilation. More than $2 million (1968) in machine-parts from Slovenian machinery firms Andric and Domel and $1 million (1968) in processed metal, all bound for Norden (Meerkien), sank into the depths. The Zajec had managed a distress call to the mainland after the first torpedo, identifying the perpetrating vessel as bearing the Yugoslavian naval jack and explaining that its warnings had been disregarded, though communications went quiet after the second impact. News spread like wildfire; fishing vessels and workboats swarmed the scene like hornets, followed by the Slovene Navy’s Furlan frigate—dispatched from Pul—not long after.

The 18,000-ton cargo ship had been among the largest lately constructed by shipbuilder Mašera, and was a prized asset of ambitious young Slovenian shipping company Interlogis, which had obtained the ship in the early 1960s as part of an aggressive expansion of its capacity for freight transit. The panic which spread among the Slovenian government as word reached Ljubljana was thus dual—first, in that eighteen Slovenian lives had been lost in a direct provocation by Yugoslavia, and second, in that the move was not merely a provocation but an attack on Slovenian industry and the viability of Slovenian exports. The Jakac administration was in a furor. Proposals of retaliatory attacks, invasions, and calls to arms filled the hushed halls of the Predsedniška palača, and an emergency session of the Slovenian parliament convened hours after the sinking, bleeding into the late night. The following day, troop movements bolstered Slovenian positions on the Yugoslavian border, and President Božidar Jakac released his first official statement on the matter, confirming to a slew of journalists that a Yugoslavian warship had attacked and sunk a Slovenian freight vessel without provocation between Pul (formerly Pola) and Ancona. His statement was accompanied with a call to action to all nations—and, possibly, the last best chance to mend the growing gap between Slovenia and the Western world.

^{“. . . and to the nations of the world—ostracize this ‘Yugoslavia’. How, in the year 1968, can the world sit idly by as one nation wantonly attacks and destroys the lives and goods of another? These are not the tactics of a civilized nation but of a barbarian-clan of the Dark Ages—those who believe in a zero-sum game in which progress can only be had through the harm and suffering of others. Abandon what you have invested in that most shadowed place. See that it is deprived of its unearned place in the international community.”}
^{— BOŽIDAR JAKAC, speech to press from the Predsedniška palača, 5 June 1968}

In terms of domestic action, the Golden Horns thrust the hand of the state once more into the fiscal world, aiming to mitigate any losses. After a commitment was made by the Slovene Navy to protect any and all international shipping to and from Slovenia in the Adriatic, the Slovenian government dually announced new expansions to its Styrian Trade Corridor of rail and road through Alpenland, augmenting land-based export options as alternatives to shipping—it would be better for foreign partners to change their method of transit from Slovenia rather than forsake the nation altogether, if they were to now view the Adriatic Sea as unviable. Intent on keeping its contracts with Norden as robust as ever—and ensuring no losses would be faced by Andric and Domel—the Slovenian government additionally committed to replacing the lost goods, though it would need to delay planned subsidies to Triglav national park, intended to expand its capacity to safely handle tourists, until 1969.

The Slovene government had urged the world to rebuke the solipsistic policies of Yugoslavia for years, most strongly in 1951 after the Yugoslavian conquest of Albania. Now, Slovenian ambassadors and consuls in a dazzling array of foreign countries—ranging from the United States (Paramountica), France (Metropolitan Francais) and Great Britain (Great Britain GB) to Italy (Arcanda), Greece (Adriatican Islands) and Alpenland (Cascadla) to even such traditionally Eastern nations as the United Arab Republic (Al-Jammahirya al-Arabiyya) and Iraq (Lieobria)—and in all other nations they might reach, pressed and insisted that the world join together in politically and economically eschewing Yugoslavia. Their responses, no doubt, would be stark determiners of their relations with Slovenia. Even before the Soviet Union (Zeitenwende), the Slovene ambassador—backed by correspondence from President Jakac—pled the case of the Slovene Republic, urging some manner of retaliation against the “increasingly rogue state” of Yugoslavia.

^{“. . . In all the years of this Republic, this deed may well be the most heinous. I see only three paths forking ahead of us now—war, the international ostracization of Tito’s Yugoslavia, or, in the most nightmarish sense, the complete and total alienation of Slovenia by the greater world in a lust for money and the satisfaction of Yugoslavia.”}
^{— BORIS FURLAN, former President of Slovenia, now 73, 8 June 1968}

Gang of Banderaites arrested in Tomashovka

Tomashovka, June 15. During the operation to combat nationalist saboteurs, carried out by the BSSR police, a group of Banderaites operating in the Tomashovka area was discovered and liquidated. According to the police, bandits are involved in a number of terrorist acts committed on the territory of the republic recently.

According to the chief of police of the BSSR, Bandera’s supporters were detained as a result of successful intelligence work and cooperation with the population. He noted that the bandits tried to escape persecution, but were surrounded and captured. During the search, weapons, ammunition, explosives and anti-Soviet literature were confiscated from them.

Major General Sidorov said that Bandera's followers recognized their affiliation with the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), a banned nationalist organization that is fighting against Soviet power and the Polish population in western Ukraine. He also said that the bandits received financial and material support from the imperialist intelligence services.

Major General Sidorov emphasized that the BSSR police will not allow the spread of the nationalist infection on the territory of the republic and will resolutely combat any manifestations of hostile activity. He called on all honest and patriotic citizens of the BSSR to cooperate with the police and report any suspicious persons and facts.

Newspaper "Pravda Belorussii"

The National Reconciliation Government

June 1968 - February 1969

| As Oscar Kambona entered his first full month in government, he has declared his time as Acting President, a National Reconciliation Government. Temporarily the TANU, ASP, and ANC have found themselves pressured to stay on in the new government, at least until the 1970 election.

With the new National Reconciliation Government, the Acting President has begun to rewrite the Constitution, and fix the flaws of the old Tanzanian system.

Constitutional Rewriting: Restoration of Multi-Party Democracy

| The most important issue that needed to be reestablished constitutionally would be the restoration of free multi-party democracy. The United Front would be completely abolished, and any forced and united governments would be declared constitutionally illegal, and able to be struck down by the Judiciary. This would mean, with the promise of elections in 1970, the ANC, and ASP would be free to escape domination by the TANU if they so desired.

Despite this the government would maintain the right to restrict the formation of political parties, or any other public organization if it violated the now constitutionally binding, Sedition laws, and the Maintenance of Religious Harmony Law.

Constitutional Rewriting: Sedition Laws, Maintenance of Religious Harmony, Preventative Detention Laws

| The most important and intriguing factor of the Constitutional rewrite would be the inclusion of three separate acts. The Sedition Laws, the MRH Law, and Preventative Detention Laws.

While the freedom to speech, press, assembly, and petitioning the government would all be upheld. Despite these freedoms being protected, the right to restrict these if they broke the sedition laws was upheld, by causing ill-will, or supremacism/pride amongst genders, ethnic groups, races, or other social classes the government could restrict these freedoms.

Freedom of religion too, while upheld by the government would be tempered by the constitutionalizing of the Maintenance of Religious Harmony Laws. Every religious group, sunni, shia, anglican, catholic, and representatives of the various indigenous religions would be integrated into the state apparatus by a Religious Council for Inter-Faith Dialogue. Religious groups would continue to be banned from preaching issues on politics, and or social issues. “Aggressive” proselytizing would also be constitutionally banned. Finally, failure to follow these laws would give the Ministry of Home Affairs the ability to remove church/temple rights, ban groups, and silence or jail specific religious officials for violating said laws.

The most controversial of the constitutional revisions would be instituting preventative detention laws. The Internal Security Act which granted powers of indefinite detention without trial or charge against those deemed enemies of the state. This can be given by the Minister of Home Affairs, acceptable breaches include treason, whistleblowing, or other severe charges.

Aftermath: Has Anything Changed?

| When it was announced that the so-called National Reconstruction Government had constitutionalized these four acts, the immediate reaction was a mixed one. For the middle class, the constitutionalizing of the anti-radical acts would promise a crackdown on extremist radicalism, especially the included clause of social classes. Peasants were largely happy as the crackdowns would at least in theory prevent the types of socialists who had pushed for their forceful collectivization. Pro-Democracy activists were far more mixed. While happy that their rights to form independent parties were now protected, many were afraid of the sedition laws, and how it could be applied to the media. Students were among the most outraged. Radicalism outlawed, indefinite detention empowered, and overall most feared one dictatorship had merely been replaced by another.

Nonetheless, with the population overall largely ambivalent or supportive, the government continued onwards reworking the government structure, and crafting a safer society, free of radicalism.

GUINE 1968

JUNE 1968

L EㅤㅤG R A N D U C A T EㅤㅤE T E R N I À L E

THE CROWN AND THE STATE
_{SCIÂTEU DE TEIÔNE, GUIGNES, GRAND DUCHY OF MEDARC - 19:30 [EVENING]}

| Teiône Castle exemplified the formidable mediaeval Medarci architectural style, boasting six-century-old stone walls that carried the wisdom of ages, having observed the rise and fall of numerous empires over the years. Once belonging to the Knightly Order, this grand castle now served as the iconic residence of the Medarci Crown, and as its main. Within the chilly confines of the castle, the private chamber designated for meetings between the Duchess and state officials adorned the southern side, featuring the grandeur of furniture and the billowing silk drapes. Inside was DUCHESS GIANETTE, a young yet knowledgeable woman, calmly taking her seat on the silk armchair, anticipating the arrival of the Doge for a crucial meeting.

The heavy silence enveloping the chamber shattered when a royal servant declared the arrival of the Doge, PIERMARINO BERLGO. The colossal doors were opened to allow the gentleman in, and a young gentleman did arrive, his commanding presence adorned in an opulent black suit. As the Doge approached the room with a few steps, The Duchess rose from her seat, and the gentleman followed suit, genuflecting in the traditional manner to greet the sovereign of Medarc. |

| _{PIERMARINO BERLGO, DOGE OF THE STATE} | "Your majesty."
| _{DUCHESS GIANETTE II, SOVEREIGN OF MEDARC} | "Signeure Doge, welcome."
| _{PIERMARINO BERLGO, DOGE OF THE STATE} | "I have been informed that you have request an urgent meeting with me."

| THE DUCHESS nodded solemnly. Later, both the Doge and the Duchess were seated. |

| _{DUCHESS GIANETTE II, SOVEREIGN OF MEDARC} | "I have reviewed the most recent agenda of your administration, Signeure Doge. And I must say, I have found one particular plan to be . . . Concerning, at least from the perspective of a statesperson."
| _{PIERMARINO BERLGO, DOGE OF THE STATE} | "I am ready to hear your concerns, sa magieste, however I fail to memorise any plan in our agenda to be controversial."

| THE DUCHESS paused briefly, later taking a sip of water, and continuing. |

| _{DUCHESS GIANETTE II, SOVEREIGN OF MEDARC} | "One of your primary goals for your 1966-1970 term is... considering applying for membership for the European Community, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation."
| _{PIERMARINO BERLGO, DOGE OF THE STATE} | "Indeed. However, I fail to see how this can be regarded as controversial. This is just to expand our relations with the rest of the continent."
| _{DUCHESS GIANETTE II, SOVEREIGN OF MEDARC} | "You do realise that, by taking such actions, you will be shattering the hundred-year-old neutrality of the Ducal State. Am I correct, Signeure Doge?"
| _{PIERMARINO BERLGO, DOGE OF THE STATE} | "And what good has neutrality has done for us, madame? I fail to see anything wrong with our agenda."

| THE DUCHESS paused once more, this time in discomfort. |

| _{DUCHESS GIANETTE II, SOVEREIGN OF MEDARC} | "Neutrality provided us a shelter and allowed us to survive as a state for many decades. Siding with a political bloc will put our relations with the opposing bloc in peril, I am afraid that will weaken our state and our foreign affairs."
| _{PIERMARINO BERLGO, DOGE OF THE STATE} | "I believe being a friend of everyone is simply impossible, madame. In an increasingly polarising world, we must find our place, or else we are facing the danger of fading into the pages of history. Our agenda aims to strengthen our state, not weaken it."
| _{DUCHESS GIANETTE II, SOVEREIGN OF MEDARC} | "I think dismissing a century-old tradition for minor political gains can not be the right move. Making enemies left, right and centre is a dangerous game to play."
| _{PIERMARINO BERLGO, DOGE OF THE STATE} | "Not if one is comfortable with making enemies, madame."
| _{DUCHESS GIANETTE II, SOVEREIGN OF MEDARC} | "Are you?"
| _{PIERMARINO BERLGO, DOGE OF THE STATE} | "Oh yes. In the words of Mackay, sa magieste - 'You have no enemies, you say? Alas, my friend, the boast is poor. He who has mingled in the fray of duty that the brave endure, must have made foes. If you have none, small is the work that you have done. You’ve hit no traitor on the hip. You’ve dashed no cup from perjured lip. You’ve never turned the wrong to right. You’ve been a coward in the fight.'. Making enemies is necessary for making friends, not all can be the Swiss, we must realise our place in the world before it is too late."
| _{DUCHESS GIANETTE II, SOVEREIGN OF MEDARC} | "I do not agree, Signeure Doge. Making enemies is a grave danger for a nation as small and dependent as ours. We are merely a nation of three hundred thousand, we cannot risk turning our backs on the eastern realms."
| _{PIERMARINO BERLGO, DOGE OF THE STATE} | "My responsibility for the time I have in office is to put sentimentality and whataboutism on one side - and look after this countries interests in the perspective of a cold balance sheet."
| _{DUCHESS GIANETTE II, SOVEREIGN OF MEDARC} | "And by ignoring all the risks, you play a gamble. It is not a right move."

| BERLGO was visibly offended with the last words coming out of THE DUCHESS' lips. |

| _{PIERMARINO BERLGO, DOGE OF THE STATE} | "If I didn't know any better, I would think of your words as a directive, madame. Let us not forget that out of two of us, I am the one who has been elected to the office. I think we are done here."

| BERLGO stood up from his seat, projecting a demeanour of calm yet tinged with challenge. Veiling his anger behind a mask of impassivity, he strolled towards the chamber gates, which were promptly opened by palace servants. The Doge exited the chamber and, subsequently, the castle, perturbed by the audacity exhibited by the Duchess in their recent conversation as he entered his vehicle. |

_{Written for the RMB Screen of the}
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
—

Adriatican Islands
Amsterwald
Anglo channel
Arcanda
Cascadla
Cheezaslovakia
Connomia
East Germany DDR
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Greater Kurdistane
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Nileia
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Rutannia
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The Confederate Prussian Empire
Vancouver Straits
Victoria Harbor
Vietnam sv
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Macias’ First Year in Office

Dec 1967 - Dec 1968

~At independence Equatorial Guinea had a relatively high GDP per capita; however, most of this money was extremely unevenly distributed. Spanish planters had dominated the economy owning large plantations, and treating their workers little better than slaves. When Cameroon invaded in 1967-1968, the Spaniard planters had largely fled the country leaving behind large, and now ownerless plantations.

There were numerous plans proposed to President Macias from each side of the radical elements of his strange party, and Marxist-Heidlerist ideology. On one side, the more “Marxist” elements of the United National Workers Party wanted a centralized collectivization of agriculture, owned and directed by the state itself. Meanwhile, the more “Heidlerist” members of Nguema’s inner circle wanted the creation of a new upper-caste with agricultural planter cartels, formed and led by loyal party members.

While the two sides bickered, they nonetheless knew who would be in charge in making the final decision. Macias would eventually decide to lean into the “Heidlerist” faction, and create a new economic upper caste of party aligned planters. As plantations found new owners very quickly the issues with the new idea would become evident. This new upper caste often had little experience in economic management, as the most apt owners were often skipped for the most loyal. Many other party members, either sycophants, or just as insane as Macias himself, would inflict a high degree of brutality, and cruelty to their new workforce. The government openly turned a blind eye, or in some cases encouraged the use of brutality to increase production.

Meanwhile, President Macias would begin to centralize power increasingly around himself. Central to this plan would be the construction of a new capital named: Djibloho – Ciudad de la Paz. The city would be planned for the center of Equatorial Guinea, deep in the jungles of the nation. The construction would begin in late 1968, and take a decade. Party members were encouraged to move if it was feasible. This meant as a sign of loyalty many of the party members were compelled to move to this new “City of Peace.” Workers were conscripted from the surrounding villages to help build this new city, and many would die during its construction due to malaria, incredibly poor working conditions, and an upwards of 14 hour shifts.

Media, was entirely centralized under the state's grip. Subversive media (anything not owned by the party), was cracked down harshly upon, and in some cases entirely banned. Political opposition continued to limp on meekly; however many began to move outside of the country to Gabon as they saw the writing was on the wall for free speech in Equatorial Guinea. They would be proven correct as A Great Purge would soon begin, in early 1969.

1968
NEW YORK

_{NEW YORK EMERGES AS THE CENTRE OF COUNTERCULUTRE IN AMERICA}

_{| New York state, and in specific New York city, has always been a cultural leader in the United States. A result of its cosmopolitan melting pot nature of various ethnicities from Italians to African-Americans, a unique culture to the state has always seen it in the forefront of cultural movements in the country. Birthing the likes of the Harlem Renaissance to Jazz, as well as being a place where many cultural figures have emerged in the realms of literature and cinema. New York has always been the beating heart of American culture and has always dictated its pace.}

_{| As of late however, it has been the emerging leader of something far more chaotic. While the civil rights movement had always focused southward, where Jim Crow laws and civil rights for minorities had always been at its worst, the movement has never really escaped New York. Indeed, the state has the largest African-American urban population in the United States, it is home to a mixture of many Americans of varying views. It's young population has been radicalized by the recent wave of anti-establishment movements, and in this context it makes more and more sense why New York has found itself as the center of the various movements being established. It's position as a cultural center, its cosmopolitan demographics, its recent economic crisis, and the image it maintains have all made it into a perfect microcosm of the United States itself. It is perhaps ironic that New York, a city frequently accused of being the establishment, has itself also been paradoxically the home of many of the government's harshest critics.}

_{| Many events have cemented this status as New York looks more and more like the capital of the anti-establishment. For example the start of the year saw the growth of the Black Panther chapter in New York, the Harlem chapter being one of the very first established outside of the Bay Area. With Harlem as its base, the Black Panthers have taken the lead in providing free health centres, breakfast programs, youth clubs, and organization of dozens of public activism against the New York government and police department. Branch offices have expanded to the Bronx, Brooklyn, Mt. Vernon. Corona-East Elmhurt, and the Staten Island.}

_{| However the biggest and most shocking event was the Columbia sit-in, in which student protests took over several campus buildings over disagreements with the university board over issues ranging from the Vietnam war to other right movements. To add to the fire, the studednts had taken the acting dean hostage, occupied the president's office, and completely halted the activities of the university. The sit-in had prompted national attention, with many from Abbie Hoffman to Noam Chomsky showing up to offer their support to the sit in. However despite a grueling resistant effort, the sit-in was dispersed, over 700 students were arrested. Nonetheless, for the students many of their goals were achieved, ensuring that their morale remained high.}

_{| Other events saw the emergence of Andy Warhol, a gay experimental artist who has become a leader of the pop art movement, as a leader in the art movement in the state despite his shooting in June of this year. Martin Luther King's wife, Coretta Scott, travelled to New York where she delivered an anti-war speech in the middle of Central Park to thousands of attendees gathered to hear her speak. And the emergence of almost a New Wave of cinema, of which many of its origins lay within the city.}

_{| This all of course has bled over to politics, where current mayor John Lindsay has been running on a platform of liberal ideals and anti-war sentiment. A charismatic, young, and dynamic mayor, despite Lindsay's less than positive record as mayor so far, he seems to maintain a level of popularity amongst New Yorkers who are subscribed to his liberal ideals. This however has created a divide, with many working-class New Yorkers, especially from Italian-American communities, have found themselves opposed to these 'hippie' movements and have argued that more focus should go towards worker rights and revitalizing New York's failing economy, as well as restoring law and order to a place notorious with organized crime. Indeed, New York seems to be heading towards interesting times, with divides, chaos, and perhaps hope looming around the corner.}

June 8 1968 - Whitehorse, Yukon territory
_{NewAuroria — Morning}
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Completion of Great Northern Railway's Second Phase: Linking Vancouver to Whitehorse
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June 8 1968 - Whitehorse, Yukon territory
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After three years of dedicated construction efforts, the Great Northern Railway has successfully completed its second phase, connecting Vancouver to Whitehorse. This monumental achievement represents a significant milestone in the expansion of the railway network, fostering economic prospects and regional connectivity. Commencing from Vancouver, the railway project has undergone meticulous planning and execution over the past three years. The completion of this second phase marks the successful realization of the vision to extend the railway all the way to Whitehorse.
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Analysts anticipate a substantial boost to the local economy with the full opening of the railway to the public. The enhanced connectivity is expected to facilitate the efficient transportation of goods and passengers, catalysing economic activities along the route. This development is poised to create employment opportunities, attract investments, and stimulate growth in the regions served by the Great Northern Railway.
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On June 8 1968, the Great Northern Railway marked the official completion of its second phase, symbolizing a momentous achievement in the history of railway development. This date signifies the opening of a new chapter in regional connectivity and economic growth. Whitehorse, now connected to the extensive railway network, is positioned to experience a transformative impact on its economic landscape. The accessibility provided by the railway will not only streamline trade and commerce but also open avenues for tourism, contributing to the overall prosperity of the community
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In conclusion, the successful completion of the Great Northern Railway's second phase heralds a promising era for Vancouver, Whitehorse, and the regions in between. The positive economic forecasts underscore the potential of this railway network to drive progress and prosperity in the connected communities.
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JULY , 1968
A Crack In The Alliance Coalition Party

| A meeting was held between members of the Alliance Coalition Party, a coalition that consist of the three largest ethnic-nationalist parties: the United Malay National Organisation (UMNO), Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC). This meeting was called on by president of the MCA, Tan Siew Sin. Asides from Tan Siew Sin, there were also a few other high profile members of the three respective parties that make up the coalition: there are Tunku Abdul Rahman, the president of UMNO and current prime minister of Malaysia. Then there is Hussein Onn of UMNO, Abdul Razak Hussein, the deputy prime minister of Malaysia and a member of UMNO. Coming from the MIC are V. T. Sambanthan the current president of the party and ex minister of labour. Alongside him is V. Manickavasagam, someone who is expected to succeed V. T. Sambanthan as president of the MIC. From the MCA itself, aside from Tan Siew Sin, is Lee San Choon the current parliamentary secretary of labour. |

| The meeting was called because Tan Siew Sin wished to discuss on the communist threat up the north of Malaysia and the ongoing communist insurgency in Sarawak. It would be a discussion on how to solve this issue and stop it from ever happening again. Tan Siew Sin would tell to the people in the meeting:

" The communist party of Malaya, the once dominant party among the Chinese community. Has been a threat to the national security of Malaysia since the nation's inception as Malaya. We need to solve this matter as if to prevent anything similar from happening again, I propose we double down on the equality of the people and treat everyone as equals under the banner of Malaysians. The Malays, Chinese and Indians cannot be divided as it would only provide ammunition for the communist to increase their ranks. " |

| The sounds of debating filled the room before Abdul Razak Hussein of UMNO, would step up to tell what is the general consensus of the UMNO party on Tan Siew Sin solution:

" If we try your solution. What'll make it work, as far as we see the ethnic Chinese already has enough economical benefits compared to the other ethnic groups, especially since the past ministers of finances have been ethnic Chinese. Are you perhaps trying to use the Malaysian Emergency as a tool to further increase the general wealth of the Chinese people in Malaysia, under the term of improving equality? "

Tan Siew Sin would provide his rebuttal of Abdul Razak Hussein comment:

" When I say equality. I do mean equality! I'm well aware of the difference in wealth among the three different ethnic groups and what kind of jobs the three ethnic groups tend to fill out. When I say equality I want to take economic reforms to try and bridge the gap between the ethnic groups to prevent further alienation of specific groups which eventually lead to this insurgencies. In my current post I can only make economical reforms, I need the other ministers to take the leap of faith under my idea of improving equality to present reforms to assist in improving equality. " |

| Tunku Abdul Rahman who has remained silent but observing the chaos that is unfolding as Tan Siew Sin, Abdul Razak Hussein and Hussein Onn argue over the solution and if Tan Siew Sin motives are as genuine as he claims them to be. Tunku Abdul Rahman begins to ponder:

" The Malaysian Chinese Association currently take up 27 of the 89 seats that the coalition holds in parliament. It's quite obvious they have a some sway in the legislative body at the moment. If we loose the Malayan Chinese Association, the coalition would loose a lot of votes and as a result seats in government. Meanwhile the Malaysian Indian Congress only gained 3 out of the 89 seats that the coalition holds in parliament, they are the current weak link of the coalition so factoring them in, loosing the MCA becomes an even larger threat to our hold over the politics of Malaysia. To keep the coalition alive I need to prevent the MCA from leaving the coalition. " |

| When the meeting was over Tan Siew Sin would use the newspaper companies under the MCA, called The China Press, The Nanyang Siang Pau and The Sin Chew Daily. To voice his thoughts on the Malaysian Emergency and voiced his disliking of what appeared to be ignorance from UMNO when he presented his solution to the matter. To further voice out his thoughts to groups larger then just the Chinese community, Tan Siew Sin would fund the creation of a newspaper called The Star which would write stories not in Chinese like the previous newspaper companies preceding it, but in English. A language that everyone in Malaysia could read and understand. |

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