Commonwealth of Liberty

^{July 1st, 1956}

𝐄𝐧𝐜𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐨𝐬 𝐝𝐞 𝐀𝐧𝐠𝐨𝐥𝐚

     |   OVERSEAS PROVINCE OF ANGOLA

^{When the Portuguese arrived off the coast of Kongo in the 15th century, Angola did not exist. Instead, the land was a collection of separate peoples, some organized as kingdoms or tribal federations of varying sizes. Under the direction of Paulo Dias de Novais, the Portuguese set up shop in the area as they saw the territory as having unlimited potential for wealth and the slave trade. In 1575, Luanda was established on the southern coast of the Kingdom of Kongo. From there, the Portuguese spent their efforts consolidating the area, engaging in diplomacy and trade with the various African kingdoms, even going as far as to Christianize them and teach some Portuguese, allowing them a share of the benefits of the slave trade.}

^{Portugal would contribute over a million to the Atlantic slave trade from the 14th to 17th century. The slave trade would remain the status quo of the territory until the 17th century when the slave trade was no longer viable. Portugal would go to war with the Kongo Kingdom due to building tensions and conflicting economic interests. In time, Portugal would come to control most of the central highlands in the 18th century. The complete conquest of Angola would occur at the start of the 19th century as Portugal hastened to secure its piece of the pie, as other European powers were rapidly conquering Africa. By 1926, Angola was constituted as an official "colony of Portugal." Or by its official name, the West African State of Angola. During this time, the Portuguese State began investing more in the colony's development. Gradually, new cities, towns, trading posts, railways, and ports were built. The colonial administration also began a policy of 'limited' native education, attempting to increase the pool of skilled African labor. However, most Angolans are classified as unskilled or largely illiterate. As more Portuguese moved into Angola, a new westernized culture began booming, mainly concentrated along the coastline as the interior of Angola remained more "native." Portuguese men began taking in native mistresses, resulting in the explosion of the Mestiço population, currently making up 3 to possibly 4% of the population. They are the socially elite and racially privileged group in the country, subsequently identifying with the Portuguese over and above their indigenous identities. Despite this, the Mestiços, like the native population, do not have Portuguese citizenship.}

_{Written for the RMB Screen of the}
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
—

AbaBemba
Abessinienreich
Adriatican Islands
Al-Morocco
Amsterwald
Anglo Channel
Arcanda
Bayern kahla
Bescania
Brazil Toucan
Canovia
Cascadla
Central Arstotzka
Connomia
East Germany DDR
Great Britain GB
Greater Kurdistane
Hashemite Kingdoms
Hatzburg
Israelli
Kewtpuff
Kotakuan II
La granadinas
Ma-li
Maziya
Metropolitan Francais
Moroavia
Nevbrejnovitz
New Provenance
Nileia
Nippon-Nihon
Nonador
Nosautempopulus
OsivoII
Paramountica
Paseo
Peking Zhongguo
Pontianus
Provenancia
Ranponian
Reyzen
Rutannia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
Spainard
Sri-Lanka
Sudesam
Teymour
The Black Star-
The Sun States
Turkiye 1st
Ubertica
Vancouver Straits
Victoria Harbor
Vietnam SV
Virnall

July 1956
_{Presidential Reforms II}

A N    E L E C T E D     P R E S I D E N C Y

| The German Basic Law ("Grundgesetz" in German) was the supreme law of the Federal Republic. While not officially a constitution, it served the same purposes as it outlined the basis for the Bundesrepublik and its various institutions, compositions and laws. It was promulgated in 1949. For the office of the BUNDESPRASIDENT (Federal President), it stated that the President was to be elected every five (5) years by a specially convened Federal Convention (Bundeskonvention), which was formed by delegations from every major party represented in the Landtag and in the German Bundestag, aggregated based on the existing delegations. THEODOR HEUSS of the liberal FDP had been elected into the presidency in 1949 and re-elected in 1953 to allow for a coinciding presidential election with the federal elections that same year. Now, Heuss is term-limited and has already confirmed his intention to step down in the 1958 presidential elections. An open presidential seat has naturally brought public attention to the largely ceremonial position, which only serves to officiate the appointment of officials including the Federal Chancellor and his Cabinet, and to represent the Federal Republic abroad. |

| Over the past few years, calls for pro-democracy reforms to how the president is selected have been made. Progressive groups who nominally backed the SPD and the FDP stated that there was no longer any need for an indirectly-elected president - the establishment of Germany's election protocols meant that popular-vote presidential elections could now be held. They, thus, were calling on the Federal Convention to reconvene itself and amend the Basic Law to allow for the position of president to be elected by popular vote. Two years ago, in 1954, the proposal had been killed by a series of political crises that broke the loose liberal progressive coalition that was molding itself in order to bring about the reforms they intended to push. Now, with a presidential election in bound for 1958, these advocates - from wealthy donors to pro-democracy groups - re-launched their public awareness campaign. A nationwide petition program to see the Bundesprasident elected by the popular vote was initiated; to the surprise of many, 40,000 signatures were collected in the course of a month from May to June. |

| The establishment strongly OPPOSED the reforming of the presidency - those opposed raised concerns that a popularly-elected presidency had allowed Adolph Heidler to rise to power in the 1930s, triggering an unstoppable chain of events. However, proponents fired back, the Federal Presidency was now a largely symbolic position - the Bundeskanzler held significantly more power and was essentially elected by popular vote anyway (there has yet to be an election where the Chancellor did not come from a party or coalition that won a plurality or majority of the popular vote). However, sentiments were already shifting. The argument against the reforms was weak and flimsy, at best. A democratically-elected Federal President rather than an indirectly-elected one posed no real political threats to the CDU - they were polling strong ahead of the 1957 federal elections and thus would be theorized to be ready to win the 1958 presidential race if it were to be held by the widely-supported two-round runoff system. Then, there was the question of Adenauer. |

| KONRAD ADENAUER was the Christian Democratic chancellor of Germany. He had been elected in 1949 and re-elected in 1953, and was currently presiding over his second term. He monitored and celebrated booming economic and industrial growth and the rise of the Federal Republic as a potential economic powerhouse. As foreign minister (a portfolio he held whilst serving as chancellor since '49), he strengthened Bonn's partnerships with Western powers and led the effort to establish the EUROPEAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY. The chancellorship did not have its own term limits, but many considered Adenauer as growing increasingly old for the chancellorship - but too influential to retire. Thus, since around 1954, rumors that Adenauer was going to step down as party leader - presumably to Ludwig Erhard, his famed Economy Minister - and run for the presidency. Whether or not it was by indirect convention secret ballot or by popular vote, Adenauer was likely to win. There was no confirmation of this from his camp - the closest statements were that he was 'considering a plurality of options' - and Adenauer was going hard and strong at his agenda, in what many say is an indication of his intention to stay as chancellor and serve out an inevitable third term. |

| Adenauer himself had not ruled out the possibility of reforms to the Basic Law. He believed in Germany's democracy, and was a frequent citer of defenders of its democracy and of its resistance leaders during the war. In an interview with DIE ZEIT, the most-circulated German newspaper, he stated that; |

"Without the right to democratically elect her leaders without foreign influence or intervention, Germany is but a put-out spark."

|Momentum for presidential reform was already rising. Adenauer was refusing to rule it out, and there were explicit supporters of the movement in the Bundestag. Two FDP deputies and two SPD deputies, alongside one lone Christian Democrat deputy, united to announce their support for a 'nationally-supported referendum to turn the position of Bundesprasident into a democratically elected position selected by a majority of the German electorate'. Polling by various institutions and groups showed that roughly 55% of Germans were 'not opposed' and/or 'intrigued' by the idea of presidential reform, while around 41% of all voters (more or less) said they were supportive of electing the Bundesprasident by popular vote. The largest opponents to the idea was the establishment conservatives, who did not wish to 'overhaul' the status quo. On the contrary, its largest supporters and proponents were progressives, socialists and liberals who were pushing for a chance to put one of their own into office. Of course, there remained the question of President Heuss himself, who had previously indicated his skepticism over any reforms. |

French West Africa: Ambitions Stunted

July 1956

| High Commissioner Messmer sat at his desk in his office overlooking the city of Dakar. For the past 10 months he had returned to Dakar feeling very content with his actions to save the empire. Now over half a year later Messmer was watching his work falling apart before his eyes.

First his aides had brought him reports on Togoland and Benin, in Togoland the African Nationalist Gnassingbé Eyadéma, a former army officer turned politician had risen. He espoused extreme anti-communism, in which he adopted many of Messmer’s tactics deploying paramilitary forces to assault, and sometimes kill left wing politicians. He also had begun inserting a bizarre cult of personality around himself, embellishing military service, and deeds. Furthermore he has professed a need for stratocratic militarism, and one party rule as the only way to lead Africa.

Messmer, liked Eyadéma despite seeing him as a bit too fascistic, nonetheless his anti-communist stance, and friendly attitude towards France and French culture made it so he was vital in the region, especially as Senghor failed to exert his influence.

Messmer sat back in his chair and pondered his next move. His only real option was to allow Gnassingbé Eyadéma to continue to rule Togoland. Despite Eyadéma being distasteful to many, especially the press, he nonetheless was considered far stronger than any alternatives provided. While often called fascistic, he nonetheless remained staunchly anti-communist, and staunchly pro-France. Over his document, Messmer wrote: “Support and monitor Eyadéma, if a stronger, democratic, and more popular leader arises, we can then shift support.”

| The next leader Messmer had written NOT TO BE TRUSTED, in bold letters at the top of document. This was Matthieu Kerekou. Originally a member of the Communist Party of France, Messmer had him arrested. Kerekou had agreed to break his alliance with the French Communists especially after they had refused to help him in his sentencing. This experience embittered Kerekou making him a more nationalistic socialist. His return to politics would see Kerekou rocket to the top of the political sphere, uniting the shattered left, and pulling in the disaffected right, who had disliked the lukewarm compromises made by Senghor.

Despite his talk of a National Identity for Dahomey, and a strong dirigisme style economy, it was highly unlikely Kerekou could exert his rule, or even pull his colony to any form of economic or foreign freedom. 20% of Dahomey’s male populace did migrant work, and the economy was agrarian, dominated by large native aristocracy.

Mathieu Kerekou would be strangled, trapped with France, economically dependent on their support, and poor reduced to agrarian work with little access to advanced tools. Messmer wrote in the notes of the file: “Watch Kerekou closely, currently there are no other native politicians with any form of cross colony appeal. Keep him economically dependent, politically restrained, and diplomatically isolated. He’ll have no choice but to follow us.”

| Moving on to the Tuareg Confederacy protectorates, Messmer was extremely concerned. There had been radio silence. The taxes flowed in, cooperation retained; however, they heard nothing else. This worried Messmer that something larger may be on the horizon. With the independence of Morocco and Tunisia as French Protectorates it seemed odd, Azawad and Agadez hadn’t lobbied for their own independence.

Furthermore, there had been reports of escalating violence between Niger, Agadez and Hausa. Agadez claimed the region of Hausaland, and Messmer had happily handed it over to them, in order to reduce the logistical strain on his military and reduce the borders. Many had now criticized his actions as short sighted as the Hausa people began to fiercely vote, and protest to rejoin Niger, through the Nigerien Progressive Party. In preliminary estimates 75% of Hausaland voted to rejoin Niger through their support of the NPP.

Thinking hard about the issue, Messmer typed in the notes: “The status of Hausaland will be considered, and brought to the French government itself. I will admit the colonial government may have acted indeed too rashly when deciding upon its borders. Upon French agreement or disagreement we will act further. For now, we will redeploy French garrisons to the region to quash escalating violence.”

For Azawad, Messmer wrote a direct message to be sent to the Protectorate governor, telling him to: “Continue making contact and discussing updates with the Tuareg Clan Council.” He further ordered garrisons to be restrengthened, and redeployed to areas that had begun to be scaled down by the government.

| The last of the Arab states apart of French West Africa had seen change as well. With the loss of the Pro-French, and Pro-Federal native representative of the colony, saw the rise of Moktar Ould Daddah. He had been able to establish himself as a champion for the upper caste White Moors, through his promises of protection of their rights, and traditional business. He also managed to pull in Black Moor, and Black Africans through his limited promises of reforms, and protecting their rights.

Daddah espoused a form of Caste Based Socialism, with a strong central government, with Islamism playing a central role. Furthermore, he called for a retaining close ties with France, and importantly for Messmer, in recorded private discussions, Daddah expressed doubts over slavery, believing it could cause a devastating race war.

At the bottom of his dossier Messmer wrote: “Continue to monitor the situation and collect more information on Daddah. Should he step out of line, not only can we threaten him economically by cutting vital aid to his weak colony, we can also reveal his misgivings about slavery and ruin his reputation. This should be enough to keep him in line, and if it isn’t we can replace him with one of the three Emir’s or upper caste members more amenable to our government.”

| Moving back to the Sub-Saharan colonies the High Commissioner would open his file on the leftover rump Federalist Bloc. This large bloc was made up of Upper Volta, Senegal, Guinea, and Sudan. Despite having been the largest party in the French colonies and widely supported by even the government, Senghor’s collaboration with the French had weakened him. This weakness meant he was forced to enter into an alliance with the African Socialist Modibo Keïta.

On their file Messmer merely wrote: “The leftover of a failed pan-nationalist movement. Nothing more to do than to allow them to continue onwards and form their eventual goal. If they collapse or not is largely irrelevant as long as they and their successors remain weak enough to control.”

| High Commissioner Messmer sighed and set aside his documents. The north either being too quiet, or loud. Niger withering, Togo and Benin caught in the grip of fascists, and the Federalist Bloc a weakened rump state. All his work had seemingly become undone in under a year. He shook his head, no matter what no matter how much the “lesser subjects” protested or attempted to break rank he would hold the colony and set it up so that even in decolonization France would dominate.

July 16 1956

Taxes And Corruption
_{NewAuroria — EVENING}
v
|
Title: The Anti-Corruption Act

Definition of Corruption: Any individual or organization is found guilty of corruption when they have used illegal or unethical means to acquire or distribute money, property, or favors.

Section 1: Prohibition of Bribery
Any form of bribery is strictly prohibited, including the offering, soliciting, accepting, or promising of any form of money, property, or favors.

Section 2: Conflict of Interest
Any individual with the power to make decisions on behalf of the government, who has a personal interest in a matter or issue, must declare it publicly and recuse themselves from any decision-making process related to that matter or issue.

Section 3: Disclosure of Assets
Any government official or public servant, including politicians and civil servants, must disclose their assets and any financial interests they may have in companies or organizations that may conflict with their duties.

Section 4: Whistleblower Protection
Any individual who reports corruption or malfeasance shall be protected from any form of retaliation or persecution.

Section 5: Punishment
Any individual or organization found guilty of corruption shall be punished according to the severity of the offense, including fines, imprisonment, and/or removal from office or position.

Section 6: Enforcement
A specialized anti-corruption agency shall be established to investigate, prosecute, and prevent corruption. This agency shall have the power to subpoena individuals and organizations, as well as the authority to investigate and prosecute offenses related to corruption. The agency shall be independent, well-funded, and staffed with highly qualified individuals with the necessary expertise in this area.

Section 7: Purpose
This law aims to deter and punish corrupt practices in the government and public sector in Canada. It emphasizes transparency, accountability, and the protection of whistleblowers, while providing for effective enforcement mechanisms through a specialized anti-corruption agency.

Section 8: Effective Date
This act shall take effect on July 16 1956
|
Title: The Canadian Public Services and Infrastructure Fund Act

Purpose: To establish a long-term strategy to fund public services, improve living conditions, upgrade infrastructure, and strengthen the Canadian military through a gradual increase in taxes over the next decade.

Section 1: Tax Increase Schedule

(a) Effective July 16, 1956, an incremental tax increase of 1% will be added to the current federal tax rate for all individuals and corporations.

(b) On the first day of each subsequent year, the tax rate will increase by an additional 1% until the maximum incremental tax rate of 10% is reached on July 16, 1966.

(c) The tax increase will be calculated based on the income earned during the previous fiscal year.

Section 2: Allocation of Tax Revenue

(a) The tax revenue collected under this Act will be deposited into the Canadian Public Services and Infrastructure Fund, to be used exclusively for public services, living conditions, infrastructure, and military spending.

(b) The Fund will be overseen by a committee composed of representatives from the Department of Finance, the Department of National Defence, and other relevant federal departments.

Section 3: Military Funding

(a) A portion of the tax revenue collected under this Act will be allocated for military spending, including recruitment, training, equipment, and operations.

(b) The Department of National Defence will provide regular updates to the committee overseeing the Fund on the allocation and use of military funds.

Section 4: Reporting and Oversight

(a) The committee overseeing the Fund will provide an annual report to Parliament on the allocation and use of the tax revenue collected under this Act.

(b) The Auditor General of Canada will conduct regular audits of the Fund to ensure compliance with the Act and the responsible use of public funds.

(c) Any misuse of the tax revenue collected under this Act will be subject to legal action and prosecution.

This law proposal aims to establish a long-term plan for funding public services, improving living conditions, upgrading infrastructure, and strengthening the Canadian military through a gradual increase in taxes over the next decade. The tax increase schedule is structured to be incremental, starting with a 1% increase in 1956 and increasing by an additional 1% each year until reaching a maximum incremental tax rate of 10% by 1966.

The revenue generated from these tax increases will be allocated exclusively to the Canadian Public Services and Infrastructure Fund, which will be overseen by a committee composed of representatives from relevant federal departments. The Fund will allocate a portion of the revenue for military spending, which will be subject to regular updates and reporting to the committee.

To ensure transparency and accountability, the committee will provide annual reports to Parliament, and the Auditor General of Canada will conduct regular audits of the Fund. Any misuse of the tax revenue collected under this Act will be subject to legal action and prosecution.

Overall, this law proposal is designed to provide a sustainable and reliable source of funding for important public services, infrastructure improvements, and military strength, while ensuring proper oversight and accountability of public funds.
|

_{A - Gawr Gura}
The New Law
—

AbaBemba
Abessinienreich
Adriatican Islands
Alzarikstan
Amsterwald
Anglo Channel
Arcanda
Bayern kahla
Bescania
Brazil Toucan
Canovia
Cascadla
Central Arstotzka
Connomia
East Germany DDR
Great Britain GB
Greater Kurdistane
Hashemite Kingdoms
Hatzburg
Honghai
Israelli
Kewtpuff
Kotakuan II
La granadinas
Ma-li
Maziya
Metropolitan Francais
Moroavia
Nevbrejnovitz
New Provenance
Nileia
Nippon-Nihon
Nonador
Nosautempopulus
OsivoII
Paramountica
Paseo
Peking Zhongguo
Pontianus
Provenancia
Ranponian
Reyzen
Rutannia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
Spainard
Sri-Lanka
Sudesam
Teymour
The Black Star-
The Sun States
Turkiye 1st
Ubertica
Vancouver Straits
Victoria Harbor
Vietnam SV
Virnall

July 1956
_{The Arab Political Awakening - Suez for the Egyptians!}

ABDEEN PALACE, CAIRO, (Kotakuan II) — EVENING

| It was a hot summer day in Cairo, and tension was high in the halls of the presidential palace. President Gamal Abdel Nasser sat at his desk, surrounded by his most trusted advisers and ministers, discussing their plan to nationalise the Suez Canal. |

| Nasser's government began to explore the possibility of nationalising the canal in early 1956, a move that would put it under direct Egyptian control and generate significant revenue for the country. The idea was not without controversy, however. Many Egyptians feared that nationalising the canal would provoke a military response from Britain and France, which had strong interests in maintaining control over the waterway and protecting their capital interests. Nasser, however, was determined to press ahead, seeing nationalisation as a key step towards achieving Egypt's long-term economic and political goals, such as the development of the Aswan High Dam and Qattara Depression. |

GAMAL ABDEL NASSER, President of Egypt: _{”I know this won't be an easy decision … but we must do what is right for Egypt. The canal is our asset, our lifeline, and we cannot allow it to remain under foreign control . . .”}

ABDEL LATIF BOGHDADI, Finance Minister of Egypt: _{”We have been studying the financial implications of nationalisation for months now … and with the completion of the dossier we are confident that nationalisation will be a major source of revenue for the government. It will truly secure our financial independence for developing national assets such as the Aswan Dam and Qattara Depression … ”}

MAHMOUD FAWZI, Foreign Minister of Egypt: _{”But what about the reaction of the international community? Britain and France own stocks and have a strong interest in the canal, and they won't take kindly to us seizing control . . .”}

| Nasser leaned back in his chair, his brow furrowed|

GAMAL ABDEL NASSER, President of Egypt: _{”I know the risks, but we cannot let fear hold us back. We must be bold and decisive if we want to secure Egypt's future, just as we were bold and decisive in 1952”}

| The group fell silent for a moment in their thoughts. Then, Nasser stood up and addressed his ministers with renewed determination. |

GAMAL ABDEL NASSER, President of Egypt: _{”Tomorrow, it is final, I will make a speech to the Egyptian people and the world. I will explain our decision to nationalise the canal and why it is necessary for our country's prosperity and the removal of the colonial yoke from Egypt’s borders. We will not back down, and we will not be intimidated. We will stand firm and fight for our rights as a sovereign nation, and as an example to our Arab brothers and sisters that we will not bow to colonial Europeans”}

| The next day, the streets of Cairo were packed with people, all waiting to hear Nasser's speech. The air was thick with anticipation and excitement, as everyone knew that something momentous was about to happen. Finally, Nasser appeared on the balcony of Abdeen Palace, his face stern and resolute as always. The crowd erupted into cheers and applause, waving Egyptian flags and chanting his name. |

GAMAL ABDEL NASSER, President of Egypt: _{”My fellow Egyptians. Today, I stand before you to make a historic announcement. The Suez Canal, that vital Egyptian waterway that connects the Mediterranean to the Red Sea, will be nationalised, and the Suez Canal Company placed under direct Egyptian control”}

| The crowd erupted into cheers once again, as Nasser continued his speech. |

GAMAL ABDEL NASSER, President of Egypt: _{”We will no longer allow a foreign company to profit from our resources. We will no longer allow our sovereignty to be compromised. From this day forward, the canal will be run by Egyptians, for Egyptians. "}

| As the speech approached its natural conclusion, President Nasser’s delivery became more deliberate and the audience’s attention intensified. |

GAMAL ABDEL NASSER, President of Egypt: _{”The Suez Canal is an Egyptian Company, subject to Egyptian sovereignty, by what right does Britain interfere in our internal affairs? . . . When we nationalise the Suez Canal we carry out an action which is fully within our sovereignty. The Suez Canal Company is a joint stock company which the Egyptian government in 1856 appointed as its agent to carry out this work. Today we have withdrawn this agency which we shall carry out ourselves, and we will compensate the shareholders of the Suez Canal Company in spite of the fact that they have forcibly usurped us . . . England has usurped 44 percent of the shares free. But we shall give her the price of the 44 percent today and we shall not treat her in the same way by seizing the 44 percent as she seized from us. We do not say to them we shall not usurp your rights, as they usurped our rights, but we will say that we shall compensate you and forget the past . . . “}

| As Nasser finished his speech, the crowd roared in approval, and chants of "Nasser! Nasser!" filled the air. But even as they celebrated, the government knew that there would be repercussions. The international community would not take kindly to this move, and there was a very real possibility of military intervention. But for now, at least, the Egyptian people were united in their support for their government. And as they walked home that night, they knew that they had witnessed a moment that would go down in history as a turning point for their country. There was a tingle in that sweet Cairo air, a tingle of trepidation at the potential response of the colonial powers of Britain and France but also a sense of liberation that for once, just once, Egypt would not bow down to foreign powers and would forge her own path. |


_{Written for the RMB Screen of the}
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
—

AbaBemba
Abessinienreich
Adriatican Islands
Al-Morocco
Amsterwald
Anglo Channel
Arcanda
Bayern kahla
Bescania
Brazil Toucan
Canovia
Cascadla
Central Arstotzka
Connomia
East Germany DDR
Great Britain GB
Greater Kurdistane
Hashemite Kingdoms
Hatzburg
Israelli
Kewtpuff
Kotakuan II
La granadinas
Ma-li
Maziya
Metropolitan Francais
Moroavia
Nevbrejnovitz
New Provenance
Nileia
Nippon-Nihon
Nonador
Nosautempopulus
OsivoII
Paramountica
Paseo
Peking Zhongguo
Pontianus
Provenancia
Ranponian
Reyzen
Rutannia
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
Spainard
Sri-Lanka
Sudesam
Teymour
The Black Star-
The Sun States
Turkiye 1st
Ubertica
Vancouver Straits
Victoria Harbor
Vietnam SV
Virnall