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Regional Power: Very High

Commonwealth of Liberty contains 323 nations, the 87th most in the world.

Today's World Census Report

The Nicest Citizens in Commonwealth of Liberty

World Census sociology experts studied citizens from various nations to determine which seemed most friendly and concerned for others.

As a region, Commonwealth of Liberty is ranked 8,350th in the world for Nicest Citizens.

NationWA CategoryMotto
1.The Community of LaocracyDemocratic Socialists“Labor omnia vincit”
2.The Finnish-Turkish Republic of Vit NamLeft-wing Utopia“Devlet-i Ebed-müddet”
3.The Adviser Democracy of FraternityLiberal Democratic Socialists“The Corrupt Fear Us. The Honest Support Us”
4.The United Federation of OdwyericaNew York Times Democracy“altruism, compassion, unity, cooperation and virtue”
5.The Duchy of AlbynauNew York Times Democracy“Semper humilitas”
6.The Queendom of CeldonieInoffensive Centrist Democracy“United in Diversity”
7.The Duchy of ChosinNew York Times Democracy“L'amour est toujours jeune”
8.The United Socialist States of BelradyLeft-wing Utopia“For the Good of All”
9.The Democratic Republic of BlepcashLeft-Leaning College State“Guns are fun and marijuana is legal.”
10.The Opulent Citizenry's Demesne of GlamourLiberal Democratic Socialists“I fear abandoning my public more than assassination.”
1234. . .3233»

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Commonwealth of Liberty Regional Message Board

Estados Unidos Mexicanos

P A L A C Í A  D E R  M E X Í C O

🇲🇽 Protest in Mexico City Square- Against the Administration🔥 7th de Marzo, 1973 | March 7th, 1973

▌In the wake of poor decisions made by the current administration and current president Luis Echeverría, had been building up instability since the poor early wars in the elections and had been forced into a bottle of exile and hate. This gradually built into the extent as the year of 1973 came to an open, as the year began to open new chapters Mexican society had begun to unravel through corruption and confusion within the populace. Mexico City became a center for crime instability and corruption, numerous poor deductions by the governmental authorities led to constant fights in the streets, so much so that the capital was in dispute of two candidates- Guadalajara and Pueblo, south of Mexico City. The capital dispute arose after general concerns for the location of the capital arose through the constant threats and intimidation which the government authorities faced. The idea was also brought up by the city councils as a mean to create and protect influence for the towns.

▌The only event that strengthens this dispute is the criminal activity in Mexico City. During a large protest at Plaza Mexicana, the center of Mexico City, multiple protesters brought weapons and ammunition to the protest center, when police arrived to deter and disperse the protesters shots were fired and rang throughout the city. The inherit chaos this caused was soon quelled by the use of chemical detergents to help disperse protesters. This demonstration of citizen activism was widely feared by political officials, for the protest was surrounded around their name sake. The demonstration caused a domino affect in other cities near Mexico City, Tijuana was particularly effected after the fear had already been built during the elections for mayor.

▌The president had different opinions on the capital dispute and proposed a solution. Echeverría proposed that there should be a dual Capital plan in the case that Mexico City became too unstable for the Mexican government. Such, Guadalajara would be the new dual capital if that was necessary in certain situations. The administration likes the idea and put it in office officially as a emergency measure. This implication allows for the safety of Mexican Officials and the country alike- to keep the sanctity alive.

SEPTEMBER , 1973
A City Plan By The Government For The People

| Furthering on the ambitions of the Beautiful Municipal Policy, the government would pass a new bill, entitled as the "People's Municipality Act". This bill would focus on making city planning more humane and avoid the pitfalls of modern western city planning, that prioritizes the efficiency and private transportation over humanity. |

| The provisions of this bill are as follows:

    Section 1
    In every subdivision, there must be a discernible center. This center must be either a market square or a garden square or a town's square. The square could optionally feature a building or statue that highlights the local heritage of the subdivision.
    The spacing in-between the center and the closest dwellings must be 0.40 km.
    A neighbourhood in a subdivision, must have places of commerce of variety. Meaning, 2 shops within viewable distance of each other cannot sell the same product. This is to ensure every household could be supplied with their weekly needs.
    Primary schools must be built within walking distance of the closest dwelling. Secondary schools must be built within cycling distance of the closest dwelling and tertiary schools (universities/colleges) must have some form of public transport that connects to it.
    Section 2
    Starting from the enactment of this act. All new pavements must be built at equal level as the road, cars drive on. With the only thing separating the cars from the pedestrians being a curb that is 12 inches tall.
    Section 3
    Pavement must now be made out of permeable paving.
    To separate the bike lanes from the pedestrians, but still allow for cyclers to move into the pedestrian lane. A border would be drawn using trees or bushes or just a patch of grass or flowers.
    Section 4
    Bike lanes must be alongside all pavements.
    Bike lanes must be built out of concrete and be at an even height as the roads/pavement.
    Every building regardless of their use, parks and center square. Must feature a bicycle parking rack.
    Section 5
    Every school entrance must feature a pedestrian crossing and a speed bump before the pedestrian crossing.
    The subdivision center square must also be surrounded with a roundabout.
    A roundabout can only be built under the circumstances of surrounding a center square or if more than 4 routes are conjoining.
    |

| However like the previous bill, created as part of the Beautiful Municipal Policy there was some negative feedback to it, this time the opposition to the bill would claim

    " Such a bill, would bring about great changes to city planning in the federation. That one has to worry about the repercussions of such an extreme shift, in city planning policy. City planners will now have to take the extra step of figuring out how to seamlessly integrate older settlements with newer settlements, without harming the flow of transportation efficiency or hampering the efficiency of the citizens from getting to Point B from Point A. "

Despite those negative possibilities the bill managed to get pass legislation. |

    اللي بدو يلعب مع القط بدو يلقى خراميشه
    WHOEVER PLAYS WITH A CAT WILL FIND ITS CLAWS
    JANUARY 1973

      دِمَشق | DAMASCUS
      THE PEOPLE'S PALACE, DAMASCUS, PROVINCE OF AL-SHAAM

    | It was 1973, approximately 2 years since Assad had launched his Corrective Movement, a coup that had removed the radical strongman Salah Jadid from power, and left Hafez al-Assad in his place, as the sole leader of Syria. It seemed as if the worst had passed, and Assad was firmly in control. Hafez would lounge in his chair with Minister of Defence (and his best friend), Mustafa Tlass, sitting beside him, whilst reading reports from the Mukhabarat when suddenly he heard a knock on the door, and it slowly creaked open. |

| President Assad| "What is it?"

| Secretary | "There's a letter addressed to you from....."

    | He would then mutter the name unintelligibly. |

| President Assad| "Who?"

| Secretary | "Mohammed Umran...sir."

    | Muhammed Umran was an early Ba'athist, who was instrumental in the rise of the Ba'ath Party, participating in the 1963 coup that brought the party to power in the first place. Umran held several high-ranking positions, including Minister of Defense and Chief of Staff of the Syrian Army. Initially a close ally of Hafez al-Assad and Salah Jadid, he was involved in the power struggles that characterized Syrian politics. He was one of the five founding members of the Military Committee, the other founding members were Hafez al-Assad, Salah Jadid, Ahmad al-Mir and Abd al-Karim al-Jundi, but acted as the committee's leading mind. Umran was the committee's chairman until the 8th of March Revolution in 1963 and was the oldest committee member. After the 1966 coup led by Jadid, Umran's influence diminished, and he was eventually sidelined as Ambassador to Spain. Rather than face this embarrassment, he retired to a farm in Tripoli, Lebanon. |

    | However, he never stopped plotting. He shared the same base of popularity that Assad did, the backbone of the Syrian state, the Alawite sect. Naturally, every rumbling of disapproval of Assad within the state came echoing to Umran through his connections in the sect. He remained the only threat to Assad not in jail or dead because of his popularity within the establishment itself, but it was unknown if this popularity translated to loyalty. Umran still had links with the remaining Ba'athist old guard in the party such as Salah al-din Bitar, and still hoped that he would lead a rally of officers to Umran's support. He even built connections in the new Syrian economic elite who funded his proposal to take power, the most prominent being: Jubran Majdalani, a Lebanese lawyer and former member of ‘Aflaq’s National Command; Nabil Chuwayri, an early Ba‘thist; and Raja Sidawi, an expatriate Syrian financier. |

    | Assad's eyebrows tensed as Tlass aggressively grabbed the paper from the secretary's hands, and the secretary scurried out of the room soon after. If there was one man who could ruin everything, it was Umran. Tlass began to read the letter out loud: |

      Dearest Hafez,

      I hope this letter finds you well. Or Not. I know you remember me from our old days when we were comrades in the Committee. I, the oldest, and you, the youngest. Those days have long passed. You may think that you have come out on top, that nothing is threatening your regime. You are mistaken. I will reclaim my rightful leadership, and destroy every part of your regime, this disgrace to Ba'athism. I have friends in the officer corps, and friends in your cabinet, all of whom helped you overthrow Jadid. I can hear the rumblings of the Alawi. Our people that you depend on for survival, they want change, they want me. Everybody around you rallies around my name. I write this letter in defiance of your betrayal of the Ba'ath. The time has come for our Renaissance.

      Long Live the Revolution,
      Muhammed Umran

| Mustafa Tlass | "How....corny."

    | He would snicker as Assad glared at him.|

| President Assad| "He must be calmed down. Tlass, consult with Haydar about the popularity of Umran in our corps, and we will go from there. Meanwhile, I will gauge the sentiments among the Alawite community that he claims want him back so bad, although I do suspect them to be highly exaggerated...given the echo chamber he's isolated himself in."

    | The door would suddenly open as Assad's younger brother would walk in and read the letter laid out on the table. Rifaat would furiously walk out of the room as Tlass confusedly glanced at the President.|

| President Assad| "Rifaat's been too aggressive as of late. Make sure he doesn't do anything too rash...Umran is still our comrade after all."

    | Tlass would nod as the two men exited the room with the paper before anybody else could comb it through.|

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

a week later.

    طرابلس | TRIPOLI
    MUHAMMED UMRAN'S FARM, TRIPOLI, NORTHERN LEBANON.

    | Umran would lean on the fence that enclosed his sheep, as he read a letter from his connect in the Syrian military, Mr. Chuwayri, a part of the Syrian old guard faction. He smiled as his plans came to be reality, a clique of Umranists who would rally around his name. The Sun shone brightly as the warm rays kissed his face, the wind embracing his back. |

    | Behind him, a small car arrived as a man and a woman hopped out of the whip. As Umran basked in the glory of his daydreams, the man would check the periphery for any bystanders as the woman would quietly crouch up within 15 meters of Umran, the outline of a revolver protruding from the pocket of her jacket.|

    | BANG BANG BANG. Umran fell to the ground as the woman quickly rushed to his side.|

    | BANG BANG. The two sprinted towards the car and drove off, leaving the bloody body in the midst of the field. |

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

the day after.

    دِمَشق | DAMASCUS
    THE PEOPLE'S PALACE, DAMASCUS, PROVINCE OF AL-SHAAM

    | Assad would be in the same position in the morning, this time with both Rifaat and Mustafa Tlass at the table. He would read the daily newspaper as he awaited for the Mukhabarat to deliver some news about the Umranist threat. The door would creak open as a clearly skittish messenger walked in.|

| President Assad| "So...what's the news? Any secret Umranists at this table?"

    | The messenger would clear his throat multiple times before speaking.|

| Messenger | "Sir...Umran is dead. He was shot five times at his farm in Tripoli."

    | The messenger would quickly exit as Assad's eyes opened wide, his mind lost for words, his mouth empty. He glanced to his left, to Mustafa Tlass, who had an expression just as shocked as him. He looked to his right, to Rifaat, who quickly looked away. Assad would cobble together a sentence from the depths of his dry throat.|

| President Assad | "Everyone out now."

    | Tlass and Rifaat walked out of the room and shut the door without question.|

    | Twelve years ago, in Cairo, 5 Syrian comrades banded together to establish Ba'ath rule in Syria, to usher in a new golden age. Now, only one remained alive. And alone. |

    | His head buried in his hands. |

    | He wept. |

SUDDEUTSCHE ZEITUNG
A Nation of Truth

NATIONAL HEADLINE - SZ
1973 ELECTIONS: CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATS TO FORM FIRST SINGLE-PARTY MAJORITY IN GERMAN HISTORY!

| (FRANKFURT, AUG 1973) -- The Frankfurt convention hall, adorned in the colors of the German tricolor, erupted in cheers when news station after news station released their exit polls - by a narrow margin, the opposition Christian Democratic Union, and her sister Christian Social Union party, had together won an absolute majority of seats in the Bundestag, with projections indicating a 3-seat majority was to be expected. Ludwig Erhard, the elder statesman who led Konrad Adenauer's 1950s economic rebirth and dubbed the long-time "Chancellor-in-Waiting", smiled from the sides, propped up by aides and a cane. Rainer Barzel, the new face of a younger, more defined CDU, took the stage by ten in the evening and declared victory. The mood was more somber in the headquarters of the Social Democrats and the Germany for the People (DfV) parties, who had lost their mandate to govern. Willy Brandt and Chancellor Sophie Scholl took the stage together just after Barzel in Bonn in front of the Federal Chancellery where they said the "people had spoken, and the power of the vote exercised". The Free Democratic Party, however, suffered its worst losses in years, receiving only 3.4% of the vote, and almost falling below a million votes nationally. The victory for the CDU was a historic one in many ways - first, they had received the most votes for any single party in the country's history, with over 19.1 million votes cast for them. Second, their 204 seats in the Bundestag meant they would have a 3-seat majority, allowing for the first time a formation of a government without the need for a coalition. The "progressive" wave that thrust the DfV into the national spotlight in the 1969 elections had seemingly faded, with many student voters, having grown older and taken on jobs and opportunities, moving to vote for the resurgent SPD or the CDU. |

    THE 1973 FEDERAL ELECTION
    201 seats needed for a majority
    
    Christian Democratic Union - Rainer Barzel - 19,145,129 votes (50.7%) - 204 seats (+49)
    Social Democratic Party - Willy Brandt - 11,441,761 votes (30.3%) - 122 seats (-4)
    Germany for the People - Sophie Scholl - 5,890,807 votes (15.6%) - 63 seats (-35)
    Free Democratic Party - Hans Filbinger - 1,283,894 votes (3.4%) - 13 seats (-10)

| In the days afterward, the Federal Returning Officer confirmed the results of the election. Immediately, Barzel and Erhard were received at the Federal Chancellery by Chancellor Sophie Scholl, who confirmed and formalized the beginning of the transition process. It would be the first handover of power from the center-left to the center-right since the 1961 elections, when Kurt Georg Kiesinger of the CDU handed over power to the young Mayor of West Berlin, Willy Brandt of the SPD. How times have changed, Die Zeit wrote, as the photographs of Scholl and Barzel shaking hands circulated in the media. Questions were immediately raised over the stunningly weak performance for Scholl's DfV party, the overperformance by the SPD (they had performed 2% better than expected), and the surprise majority for the Christian Democrats. Polls in the weeks leading up to the election had shown the CDU between 48-49%, with a majority in reach but not many expecting an actual total majority. The highest concerns for many voters were the state of the economy and the development of detente. While the governing coalition was decently well-trusted on foreign issues (though the Olympics had damaged this somewhat), the economy was a particular weak point for the progressive government which pushed for higher taxes on businesses and the wealthy. The CDU had pledged a return to the economic growth of the 1950s and 1960s, spurred on by a new economic program focused on boosting exports and bolstering Germany's monetary policy. The CDU particularly saw gains in the industrial heartland of Frankfurt and the surrounding regions, and saw surges in urban communities like Berlin and Munich. |

| In September of 1973, the new Bundestag was sworn in, with Rainer Barzel as Federal Chancellor. The elder statesman Ludwig Erhard had stepped aside from becoming Chancellor despite reported offers from Barzel to allow him to serve a few years in the top job. Erhard instead received the position of President of the Bundestag, and he was finally able to return to his job at the Ministry of Economy. The Free Democratic Party, led by Hans Karl Filbinger, split along the seams during the invocation of the new legislature, with 8 parliamentarians voting with their party leader to back Barzel as Chancellor, while 4 FDP deputies joined the SPD and DfV to endorse Scholl for Chancellor. Because of the significance of the caucus divisions, Filbinger opted not to join the CDU in government, though he pledged to vote with the CDU on legislation. Federal President Helmut Schmidt of the Social Democrats, who had since his entry into the office been re-elected consistently by a strong majority, was now threatened by the possibility of a CDU candidate defeating him at the next presidential election, especially after the CDU swept numerous Landtag and state councils. |

| In his first speech as Federal Chancellor, Barzel pledged to return Germany to economic supremacy and political stability, but also commended the former government for its many historic firsts, such as the largest percentage of female Cabinet members, the first female Chancellor, the passage of equal opportunities and equal pay laws, and many more. The main priority, Barzel said, was economic recovery and a return of jobs and manufacturing dominance to Germany, especially during this new decade of rapidly shifting economic dogmas. "We can do this," Barzel proclaimed; a line that would quickly become the tagline of his new government. |

"Those who adhere to the past won't be able to cope with the future."
WILLY BRANDT, Bundeskanzlerin — 1957-1968

E I N I G K E I TU N DR E C H TU N DF R E I H E I T



German Federal Election, 1973

Candidate
Rainer Barzel

Candidate
Willy Brandt

Candidate
Sophie Scholl

Candidate
Hans Karl Filbinger

Party

CDU/CSU

Party

SPD

Party

DfV

Party

FDP

Popular Vote
19,145,129

Popular Vote
11,441,761

Popular Vote
5,890,807

Popular Vote
1,283,894

Percentage
50.7%

Percentage
30.3%

Percentage
15.6%

Percentage
3.4%

Seats
204 (+49)

Seats
122 (-4)

Seats
63 (-35)

Seats
13 (-10)



German Federal Election, 1969

Candidate
Ludwig Erhard

Candidate
Willy Brandt

Candidate
Sophie Scholl

Candidate
Wolfgang Mischnick

Party

CDU/CSU

Party

SPD

Party

DfV

Party

FDP

Popular Vote
12,658,953

Popular Vote
10,318,365

Popular Vote
8,043,709

Popular Vote
1,944,955

Percentage
38.4%

Percentage
31.3%

Percentage
24.4%

Percentage
5.9%

Seats
155 (-20)

Seats
126 (-36)

Seats
98 (+98)

Seats
23 (-19)



German Federal Election, 1965

Candidate
Ludwig Erhard

Candidate
Willy Brandt

Candidate
Erich Mende

Candidate
Reinhold Meier

Party

CDU/CSU

Party

SPD

Party

FDP

Party

Democratic

Popular Vote
14,189,892

Popular Vote
13,113,417

Popular Vote
3,392,525

Popular Vote
1,924,606

Percentage
43.5%

Percentage
40.2%

Percentage
10.4%

Percentage
5.9%

Seats
175 (-7)

Seats
162 (-8)

Seats
42 (+4)

Seats
23 (+15)



German Federal Election, 1961

Candidate
Kurt Georg Kiesinger

Candidate
Willy Brandt

Candidate
Erich Mende

Candidate
Reinhold Meier

Party

CDU/CSU

Party

SPD

Party

FDP

Party

Democratic

Popular Vote
14,338,000

Popular Vote
13,729,915

Popular Vote
3,040,424

Popular Vote
640,089

Percentage
44.8%

Percentage
42.9%

Percentage
9.5%

Percentage
2.0%

Seats
182

Seats
174

Seats
38

Seats
8



German Federal Election, 1957

Candidate
Konrad Adenauer

Candidate
Erich Ollenhauer

Candidate
Franz Blucher

Candidate
Joseph Gartner

Party

CDU/CSU

Party

SPD

Party

FDP

Party

Democratic

Popular Vote
14,987,638

Popular Vote
12,333,891

Popular Vote
1,960,153

Popular Vote
874,530

Percentage
49.7%

Percentage
40.9%

Percentage
6.5%

Percentage
2.9%

Seats
200

Seats
165

Seats
23

Seats
10



German Federal Election, 1953

Candidate
Konrad Adenauer

Candidate
Erich Ollenhauer

Candidate
Franz Blucher

Candidate
Heinrich Hellwege

Party

CDU/CSU

Party

SPD

Party

FDP

Party

Konservative

Popular Vote
13,499,306

Popular Vote
9,455,210

Popular Vote
2,876,434

Popular Vote
2,648,598

Percentage
47.40%

Percentage
33.20%

Percentage
10.10%

Percentage
9.30%

Seats
191

Seats
132

Seats
39

Seats
35



German Federal Election, 1949

Candidate
Konrad Adenauer

Candidate
Kurt Schumacher

Candidate
Franz Blucher

Candidate
Heinrich Hellwege

Party

CDU/CSU

Party

SPD

Party

FDP

Party

Konservative

Popular Vote
7,838,596

Popular Vote
7,348,684

Popular Vote
3,429,385

Popular Vote
2,939,473

Percentage
35.12%

Percentage
32.93%

Percentage
15.37%

Percentage
13.17%

Seats
146

Seats
137

Seats
64

Seats
55


Results of the Election:

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中 华 民 国  |  R E P U B L I C  O F  C H I N A

I N V I S I B L E   I N K

Modernization of the Chinese Economy- Moving on from Invisible Threats, and Creating New Paths

中国经济现代化——摆脱隐形威胁,开辟新道路

March 5th, 1973
Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China

| “When one man writes in invisible ink, it will always show when another walks upon his writing” this excerpt from the speech of President Chiang Kai-Shek, this illustration was meant to show that ever since the loss of the Chinese Civil War and the retreat to Taiwan, some sour feelings held by the Chinese of Taiwan, however, the president said the “the time will come, for now, we must wait and watch.” The presidency was refocused from blind rage to more focused economical development. The president however called invisible conflicts to be reappeared if they were focused and trained, after the white terror scourged the land, the landscape of Taiwan had been transformed to more peaceful and prosperous territory. Though, Chinese across Taiwan have always seen the upside in political power and economic prosperity. Taipei had been fueled by military marches and parotid events in the streets was allowing Taiwanese pride all over Taiwan. The island had been growing and industrializing as was the plan with the mainland, to create a hospitality industry for all the locals of Taiwan, the pride of the island has been lifted from the ashes of the war to the beautiful buildings of Taipei.

| Taipei had been chosen as the previsionary capital of Taiwan for the industrial development which the city presented. The island was focused on increased development to create new economic growth opportunities in the west, eastern Taipei was still mostly inhabited by natives of Formosa and Taiwan as the islander expansion was halted. Ports on the coast of the island were built to create new industrialism opportunities in the east, invisible threats which were once terrorizing the Taiwanese now laid in piece at the back of many heads. The president once again reassured every Taiwanese would be catered as if they were on the mainland. The invisible hand of the president was over the island, that’s what the islanders believe.

Paraguay in 1973: South America’s Dead Heart

|| It is 1973, Paraguay rests in the iron-grip of Alfredo Stroessner. Seizing power in 1954, for the past 20 years, Stroessner has ruled as absolute dictator. Widespread torture, murder, and surveillance has pervaded the lives of Paraguayan citizens for decades. Thousands have been sentenced to death, tortured, or exiled by the Stroessner government. The tactics used by Stroessner are eerily reminiscent of the Fascists in Germany, this is of course by design. Concentration camps, brutal secret police, and societal militarization were designed specifically by fascists for Paraguay, in fact not only has Stroessners’ Ministry of the Interior helped hide people from Fascist Germany, but is himself a dedicated national socialist.

Even with the transformation of the regime to a “multi-party dictatorship” in 1959, Stroessner, and the Colorado Party have kept a tight chain upon the political sphere in Paraguay.

Under Stroessner, state control over businesses has been immense creating a so-called “privatized corporate state”, economic growth has been remarkable for the nation's small size, and geographic isolation. Most of this can be owed to global shifts in demand towards soy, which Paraguay was the 6th largest producer of, and the beginnings of construction on a hydroelectric dam in 1968, that promised to make Paraguay a mega-producer in hydropower. Very little of this extravagant wealth; however, is reaching the average Paraguayan. Even in the realm of land ownership, most of the land is owned by the state, and the lion's share of the profits only reach those aligned with Stroessner.

There has been some promised change, the state of emergency has gradually begun to be scaled down, land reform has been promised in the near future, and political parties are allowed to operate, if meekly, and subservient to the state.

The average paraguayan, owned by a culture of relaxation, and quietly keeping to oneself, have accepted the rule of Stroessner as a permanent fixture of life. Not all Paraguayans have so passively accepted his rule. The First of March Organization (OPM) have grown in size and scope, especially among farmers many of whom do not own their own land, and have chafed under government taxation. Juan Carlos Da Costa, a student movement leader turned revolutionary, has continued to cultivate power, with the single goal of bringing down Stroessner. Da Costa has gained favor within the Colorado Party, with some alleging people within the Party are supporting the movement to topple Stroessner.

As 1973 continues on, the so-called heart of South America is dead, crushed under the boot of its cruel dictator.

Will it ever beat again?

The Great Game Part 11: Indonesia; the Military Superpower of Southeast Asia
June, 1973

It was under Sukarno that Indonesia’s military rose from being a mere militia against the colonial Dutch to a proper armed force. President Sukarno’s good relations with the East and his desire to protect Indonesia from colonial powers led him to procure numerous advanced armaments from the Soviet Union. Rifles, armored vehicles, jet fighters, warships, submarines and everything in between was exported from the Eastern Bloc countries and the Soviet Union to the ports of the Republic of Indonesia. A massive restructuring followed, with the Indonesian military combining experience with the best technology the East could offer in the mid-1960’s. In fact, Sukarno’s efforts had led Indonesia to dominate Southeast Asia militarily.

While Indonesia had been able to maintain its military superiority over the years since then, it has started to lag behind compared to some of its neighbors. Developments in Malaysia and Singapore, the deteriorating situation in Viet-Nam and Laos along with demands from the Radikal Faction has pushed for the current regime of President Suharto to work toward reforming and modernizing the Indonesian military. Not because the nation is facing an imminent threat from outside power, but rather because the nation’s leaders wish to ensure that Indonesia is able to deter aggression instead of welcoming it. Simultaneously, funding the military would allow the country to maintain its military superiority, giving it the ability to flex its hard power before regional rivals like Malaysia while keeping smaller powers in line such as Singapore and the fading colonial power of Portugal in East Timor.

Between 1971 and 1972, the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) conducted an audit of the Indonesian National Armed Forces to ascertain the needs and wants of the military. The conclusions drawn by the audit and subsequent report showed that the navy and air force required modernization and the most attention, while the army needed more and better equipment to outfit tens of thousands of soldiers scattered across hundreds of islands. The results of the report led to a substantial rise in military spending for the 1972 National Budget. Most of the money was procured from increased revenues from shipping duties, oil, and increased agricultural exports along with financial assistance from the United States.

In mid-1972, pilots, sailors and engineers trained in the U.S returned to Indonesia and began work modernizing the Indonesian naval and air forces. At their suggestion, several aircraft and warships were retired and placed into reserve service while others were placed on track for refits and modernization. Under the guidance of these new experts, and with the direct approval of the President, the Indonesian military began implementing these changes immediately. However, the extensive modernizations and refits would take time. Starting in late 1972, many of the projects were scheduled to be concluded at the earliest by the end of 1973 and at the latest by mid-1974. Regardless of the timetable, the plan was seen as important to maintain Indonesia’s military superiority, particularly on sea and the air.

The Indonesian Air Force began to phase out old World War II-era aircraft like the P-51 Mustang, the B-26 Invader, the B-25 Mitchell, a single Bristol Blenheim, the Il-10, and several captured Japanese aircraft ranging from fighters, to bombers. Most of these were either destined for scrap or were placed in reserve. Phasing these aircraft out freed up much-needed manpower and financial resources that would be required for the transformation of the air force and the introduction of new technologies, weapons and in the near future, aircraft. For now, however, the Indonesian Air Force set its sights on modernizing its more numerous Soviet-made aircraft. Among them were fighters like the MiG-17, the MiG-19, the MiG-21, and bombers like the Il-28 and the Tu-16.

Refit projects and spare part production were undertaken by Indonesia Aerospace, a state-owned enterprise placed in the hands of freshly-trained aircraft engineers and specialists for the sole purpose of giving Indonesia an air force that would surpass anything employed by its immediate Southeast Asian neighbors. The MiG-19 and MiG-21 were considered to be the backbone of the air force and received the most attention. Western avionics and systems were integrated into the Soviet-made aircraft while its weapons were updated with U.S-supplied missiles. Long-term plans would see Indonesia Aerospace produce copies of these and other aircraft to expand the size of the air force in the near future. In the meantime, industry was geared toward the production of spare parts and the maintenance of Indonesia’s top of the line fighters.

Of course, other aircraft such as those utilized for transport and reconnaissance were not neglected. Additional transport aircraft including the C-47 and the AC-130 were procured from the United States and after some light refits would fly alongside their Soviet counterparts including the Il-14 and the An-12. Helicopters were also given priority due to their increased importance and usefulness in Indonesia’s environment. Unlike the air force’s fighters and bombers, the Air Force chose to procure Bell UH-1 helicopters from the United States to replace its Soviet stockpile. The helicopter, which had proven itself reliable and extremely useful in the jungles of Vietnam, would be used by the Indonesian Army for rapid deployments across archipelago and as support for combat operations. While Soviet helicopters were destined for reserve service or the scrapyard, the heavy lift Mi-6 transport helicopter was set to remain in service for the foreseeable future.

Meanwhile the Indonesian began a program of aggressive refits for its fleet of mostly Soviet design. Submarines were a key part of the program, and early on the Navy had been able to secure approval for a request for Western-made submarines to replace the Tjakra-class (Soviet Whiskey-class) submarines, which were considered inadequate. Instead, the Navy sought out German-made submarines which fit the Navy’s requirement for a reliable, affordable, silent, and modern diesel-electric attack submarine with increased submersion time. For this purpose, the Navy had ordered five submarines of the Type 209 class, to be rechristened as the Cakra-class were set to be delivered by the end of 1973 and early 1974.

The rest of the surface fleet, however, would retain its Soviet complement of ships. These ships would undergo a series of refurbishments and refits to improve their weapon systems, radar and sensors, propulsion, and electronics. The KAL Irian, the flagship of the fleet and the navy’s only cruiser, was scheduled to be the first to undergo said changes. She would undergo an extensive refit, transforming it from a gun-only cruiser into a guided-missile cruiser. New weapons would include the American-made Mark 11 and Mark 13 missile launchers, armed with RIM-2 Terrier and RIM-66 Standard dual-use anti-ship and anti-aircraft missiles. Additional armaments included the installation of two 5-inch Mark 42 guns on the bow and aft. The cruiser’s size gave it ample space for the new weaponry and for the installation of the new systems.

Similar refits were done for other vessels, including for the Soviet-built Skory-class destroyers, Riga-class frigates, T43-class minesweepers, Kronshtadt-class submarine chasers (set to be transformed into larger fast attack craft), Komar-class and P-6 class missile boats, and the Yugoslav built Kraljevica-class patrol boats. The refitting of these vessels constituted the largest refit and modernization program in Indonesia’s history, with most of it to be carried out domestically upon the completion of the expansion of several drydock facilities across the country by the end of 1973. Overall, the Navy expected to finish the entire project by 1974.

Despite a focus on expanding the resources of the air force and navy, the Indonesian Army received a substantial share of the budget and resources allocated to the venture. The audit presented the Army as the most valuable branch of the Indonesian National Armed Forces, putting particular emphasis on the infantry. A lot of effort was placed on equipping them with the best and on the development of new, modern equipment along with the procurement of new weapons for Kostrad and Kopassus, the spearhead units of the Indonesian military. American-designed uniforms, helmets, boots, and weaponry were procured for them and the rest of the Army with a focus on domestic production.

By 1973, Indonesia was able to produce ammunition and spare parts at an industrial scale and efforts were underway to standardize the equipment of the armed forces. Orders were placed that by 1975, all units in the Army would be using standardized equipment, phasing out captured Japanese equipment along with British and Dutch equipment while maintaining Soviet and American gear. The Soviet SKS was adopted as the main rifle of the Army, with plans to transform it into an assault rifle, while the Colt 1911 of the U.S would become the standardized sidearm, with a modified version of the Tokarev also in use.

The Army’s armored units, consisting largely of WWII tanks were revamped, with nearly all of them phased out for American M113 APC’s and the Soviet-made PT-76 amphibious ligjt tank. The latter would be part of a project to produce the first Indonesian main battle tank. The project, which had begun in early 1973 envisioned a modified version with a larger chassis, a larger 105 mm gun, and a more powerful engine. The tank would be subsequently mass-produced as an MBT while keeping its light tank features and amphibious capability. Meanwhile, the M113 would be fully integrated into the armored forces, serving as support and armored transport for infantry. Logistics also received a substantial boost with the introduction of new infrastructure, particularly railways, new trucks and rapid mobility vehicles from the United States, and of course the introduction of the UH-1 Huey.

The ambitious project to revitalize the Indonesian military was supported by every faction in the country and had popular appeal. While the full program would take time to materialize, the ambition of the High Command along with the political pressure of the factions ensured that the military would receive its much needed boost. In the end, the ultimate goal was to maintain the so-called “Bulwark of Southeast Asia”, or in simpler terms, Indonesia’s military supremacy over the region.

    SHŌWA 48 | OCTOBER 1973

      首相のモスクワ訪問
      THE PRIME MINISTER’s JOURNEY TO MOSCOW

     K  R  E  M  L  I  N   ¹ 

    オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり

    O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly!

MOSCOW KREMLIN — MORNING
MOSCOW, Zeitenwende

▌The atmosphere of Prime Minister KAKUEI TANAKA’s three-day meeting with Soviet leaders resembled a storm on the Black Sea. Only on the last day was the PRIME MINISTER motivated by an important Soviet concession about some issues remnant from WWII. As the first Japanese leader to visit Moscow since ‘56, TANAKA’s main interest was to discuss the return of four islands north of Hokkaido to Japanese control, occupied by the Soviets at the end of the war. Although the islands are smaller (4,244 sq. mi) — Etorofu, Kunashiri, Shikotani, and Habomai — they are politically important. The Japanese Diet has been pressuring the PRIME MINISTER to enforce Japan’s rights to the islands. If TANAKA were able to organize his return under a peace treaty with the Soviets as a way of formally ending WWII, that would be a vital and much-needed personal milestone. However, Moscow’s reluctance to discuss the issue shows that the Russians are worried that any agreement would establish a negative precedent in its dispute with China over territory along the Manchurian border.

While Soviet Party leader ALEXEI KOSYGIN focused on Japan’s participation in the development of Siberia, TANAKA remained on the island issue.The feeling of impasse increased when KOSYGIN, probably preoccupied with Middle Eastern issues, did not attend the lunch hosted by the PRIME MINISTER. The stalemate continued during additional, often heated, negotiations with other Soviet officials. But moments before TANAKA’s departure the impasse was resolved. A purposefully vague joint statement led the Russians to commit to continuing talks in ‘74 to sign a peace treaty and resolve “several outstanding issues remaining from World War II.” Although it is not mentioned, it is clear that the four islands must be included. This, of course, does not mean that Soviet leaders will eventually return them. But the statement marked for the first time the Kremlin’s admission that it was a matter for discussion. The concession, although not a big deal, seemed like a lifebuoy for the PRIME MINISTER. It wasn’t just his visit to Moscow that got off to a bad start; His previous twelve-day trip to Europe was also less than stimulating.

By visiting the European capitals of Paris, London, and Bonn, the PRIME MINISTER showed Europeans that Japan was no longer satisfied with its normally low diplomatic profile. Japan, as the world’s second-largest trading power, wants to participate in defining new relations between the European Economic Community and the U.S. But they demonstrated, at best, disinterest in the PRIME MINISTER’s vision of a “more balanced triangle.” In Paris, French President GEORGES POMPIDOU agreed to send the Mona Lisa to Tokyo and to cooperate with the Japanese on a uranium enrichment project, however, he was not interested in the vision of a greater political role for Japan in the West. It appeared that they were slamming the door in Tanaka’s face, an impression that new West German Chancellor RAINER BARZEL undiplomatically confirmed.

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¹ A Series: KREMLIN, Covering Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka’s trip to Moscow and the events surrounding it.

República Federativa do Brasil / Federative Republic of Brazil

P O L I T I C A L   R E F O R M S

President João Baptista- The Great Political and Social Reformer

Brasília, Brasília Federal Capital District, Brazil

| The Brazilian socioeconomic scheme had been built and established by constant efforts to rid Brazil of instability and economic inequality, however as Brazil became stable after the Novo Revolução, the creation of the Federal Republic of Brazil was a major factor in Brazilian success, when the militaries took the capital and stormed Medici’s headquarters they removed the dictatorship and replaced him with the first president of the federal republic, João Baptista became the president after his efforts in the revolution in the Battle of Paulo, his humble and prosperous actions across Brazil led to his promotion to president. He decided to establish different offices to create political balance and establish a political system which could be integrated into Brazil to create a more free and stable Brazil. João’s actions were known by the Brazilian people “O George Washington da América do Sul” which was given because of his similar actions to that to George Washington in the United States. His actions became more humble and generous as time went on and he became older, he aimed for a more capable Brazilian economy, by creating a capitalist society in Brazil.

| Along with socioeconomic development and reform, the militarization of Brazil was carried form João to be a left wing military system. The military was meant to have two distinct systems, with over 2,332,544 reserve soldiers and 789,555 active personnel the reserve mobilization was meant for emergency aggressors against Brazilian sovereignty but if not needed the reserve soldiers are kept within their respective reserve. João also issued new military equipment to be made on mass and soon over 345 Brazilian aircraft was created and made in Brazil. The navy also went massive industrial production as the new ships massively increased Brazilian sea defense capability and many ships were put into service the day they were built. The militarist reforms made by the president allowed for the proper defense of the Brazilian territory and people became more confident and aware of Brazilian military hegemony.

| The economic crisis presented with the fuel had shown that Brazil needed to produce and build its own oil industry, so many refineries were built and created to supply cities with energy and electricity, another factor of electrical demand was the recent technological advances made by Paraguay and Brazil, by creating one of the largest dams in the world on the border, the Itaipu Dam was one of the largest invocations in the hydroelectric industry which allowed for the provision of electricity for everywhere in Paraguay and Brazil to supply electricity to many cities nearby. Brazil continues to advance and progress through expansion and reform for the development of the country, and its industries.

    1393 AH | OCTOBER 1973

      الضغط السعودي على واشنطن
      SAUDI PRESSURE ON WASHINGTON

     F  A  I  S  A  L   ¹ 

    هُوَ ٱلَّذِىٓ أَنزَلَ ٱلسَّكِينَةَ فِى قُلُوبِ ٱلْمُؤْمِنِينَ

    Allah is the one who sent down 
    tranquility into the hearts of 
    the believers.

RIYADH, RIYADH — AFTERNOON
THE LAND OF THE TWO HOLY MOSQUES, Arabia KSA

▌Saudi Arabia, the Arab world’s largest oil producer, decided to cut oil production by 10% to pressure the U.S. to change its policy towards Israel. In a radio broadcast from Riyadh, King FAISAL’s government is willing to stop all oil supplies to the U.S. if support for the Israeli military continues. Abu Dhabi will also block all oil supplies to the U.S. and will take similar measures in the future against any other country that declares its support for Israel. None of these measures would have short-term consequences for the U.S., which only obtains about 6% of its oil imports from all Arab oil-producing countries.

The moves by Saudi Arabia and Abu Dhabi came in response to a decision by Arab oil ministers to reduce oil production by 5% per month. This decision was also intended to pressure the U.S. and other countries — that have been helping Israel. However, Kuwaitis have not made it clear how the decision should be implemented and it is expected to mainly affect Western European countries and not the U.S. Another oil-producing Arab state, Qatar, has decided to cut its domestic expenses and increase its financial aid for the Arab war effort against Israel. It was noted in the Saudi announcement, in the form of a statement from King FAISAL’s palace in Riyadh, that the Saudi Government would pressure Washington to change its position on the war in the Middle East and suspend arms supplies to Israel. In the statement, the Saudi Government stated that the 10% cut in oil production has already begun and will be in effect until Nov. 30. After that, new reductions would be decided monthly and the percentage of reductions would be announced.

Last year, the Saudis supplied 4.2% of their total production to the United States, while also producing oil at a rate of 5.7 million barrels per day. Oil exports generated revenue of $2.7 billion for Saudi Arabia. Likewise, only around 12% of Abu Dhabi’s oil production (currently 1.5 million barrels per day) goes to the U.S. The remaining majority is supplied to Japan. Abu Dhab’s move showed that the decision made allowed flexibility on the part of each Arab state. The formula seemed to be a compromise for both moderate and radical Arabs. These countries are all members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. There was no indication that Abu Dhabi was considering any new moves on its oil exports. After the Kuwait conference decision, the French expected gasoline prices to rise soon. Both Kuwait’s move and a previous move by Arab oil-producing countries to increase the price of crude oil were cited by them. There are also studies on the possibility of fuel rationing, according to authorities.

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¹ A Series: FAISAL, Events corresponding to King Faisal’s reign, which lasted from 1964 to 1975.

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