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National Factbook of the Kingdom of Britcan
Britcan
The Kingdom of Britcan, commonly called Britcan, is a sovereign state located in the centre of Albionia. It shares a land border with Kherkov and Viperia to the east, Saint-auguste to the west, and the sea to the north and south. Britcan is a large nation with an estimated population of over 860 million according to the most recent data. It is regarded is a highly developed nation with a HDI of 0.962 and a per capita GDP of ₱162,113 as of 2018. It's economy, while historically dependent on the nation's abundant natural resources, has diversified in recent decades with notable growth in service and knowledge-based sectors. Productivity is good due to the high levels of education and skills training, while the nation is ranked low for corruption and religiousness.
Britcan is a constitutional monarchy and parliamentary democracy, with the Monarch as the head of state. Its capital is Lontwa, which is also the nation's most populous city. Britcan is a unitary state, divided into nine provinces; Rhanar, Kiaca, Calami, Semland, Halmarch, Hackshire, Britoa, Kex and Forten, which are granted devolved powers. Britcan ranks highly in civil rights and political freedom and above average in economic freedom. Britcan is a member of both the World Assembly and a founding member of the Commonwealth Society and the League of Free Nations.
1 Etymology
2 History
2.1 Prehistory
2.2 Cexan Empire
2.3 Golden Age of Cex
2.4 Rhanaric Kingdoms
2.5 Broken Age
2.6 Calami Republic
2.7 First Kingdom of Rhanar
2.8 Kiacan Federation
2.9 King Britt and the Unification
2.10 Halonian Wars
2.11 Leonian Conflict
2.12 Age of Englightenment
2.13 Kherkovian-Britcani Wars
2.14 50 Years War
2.15 Accession of Rhanar
2.16 Accession of Kiaca
2.17 Modern Era
3 Geography
3.1 Climate
4 Politics & Governance
4.1 Government
4.2 Law
4.3 Foreign Relations
4.4 Military
4.5 Administrative Divisions
4.6 Political Parties
5 Demographics
5.1 Languages
5.2 Largest Cities
6 Economy
7 Culture
7.1 Music
7.2 Sports
7.3 Literature
'Britcan' is commonly believed to come from the term Britt Kyarn in the now extinct Hackinian language, meaning 'the land of Britt'. Britt in this case refers to the semi-legendary figure of King Britt who is traditonally considered to be the first King of Britcan, though he himself was styled as King of Hackinia during his lifetime.
The standard way to refer to a citizen of Britcan is 'Britcani'. The term is not to be confused with 'Brittanian', a cultural identity predominant in central and eastern Britcan which comes from the Hackinian term Britt Anyan, meaning 'descendent of Britt'.
Archaeological evidence found in Kex suggests that the territory that forms modern-day Britcan was inhabited by humans at least 35,000 years ago. It is thought that much of southern Britcan was inhabited throughout the last glacial period, while the more northern areas were only settled more recently, around 10,000 BCE. Kiaca was likely the last place to become inhabited, with estimates placing the arrival of humans at around 3,000 BCE. Multiple waves of migration lead to the emergence of several distinct groups within Britcan; Kiacans, Rhanarians, Cexans, Sems, Halons and Forens.
During the 8th century BCE there seems to have been a period of significant technological, cultural and political change among the Cexan (sometimes written C'exan) peoples who inhabited what is now known as the Calami Isle and the surrounding mainland. The oldest iron artefacts and examples of written language in Britcan date from this era. During this period a series of rulers united the Cexan people over the course of about a century. By the end of the 7th century BCE the Cexan Empire had been proclaimed under the rulership of Emperor Hector. This new nation expanded gradually onto the mainland, conquering many of the disunited tribes and establishing an Empire that covered most of what is now south and east Britcan.
The Cexan Golden Age is generally agreed to start at the beginning of the 5th century BCE, at around the time that the major expansions of the Cexan Empire ceased. It remains disputed why the Empire stopped growing, with scholarly theories suggesting that it could be caused by less favourable climate, better organised opposition, or simply a change in the leadership of the Empire. All that is known for certain is that it turned away from rapid growth, reaching its maximum extent by 415 BCE with the integration of the Ilari into the Empire. At roughly the same time there was a flourishing of art, architecture, and philosophy within the major Cexan cities. This period produced a number of notable works, many of which survive to this day.
The Golden Age is regarded as lasting for roughly 350 years, with the academic consensus putting the destruction of the Great Library in Triaron during the grain riots of 142 BCE as the marker for the end of the period. The Empire had been in a decline for two decades with poor harvests causing social unrest and a number of the northern territories breaking off and forming their own states. The destruction of the Library represented the destruction of considerable quantities of knowledge and marked the start of a period of increasing societal unrest and economic decline in the Empire.
The 1st century BCE saw the development of several large Kingdoms in what is now the modern province of Rhanar, particularly in the fertile southern regions. Some Historians previously theorised that the development of these Kingdoms had been caused by the arrival of Germanic and Roman colonists as had occurred in Kherkov. However, modern DNA and linguistic evidence suggesting the almost wholly Ingvaeonic ancestry of the Rhanarian people has largely debunked this theory.
Towards the end of the 1st century CE there began a trend towards the division and breakup of the large nations in what would become known as Britcan. The Cexan Empire finally began to dissolve after over two centuries of stagnation, the huge military machine which had held the dying empire together being decisively defeated by a Foren rebellion in 83 CE. This precipitated a series of similar rebellions, resulting in much of the territory conquered in the early years of the Empire being lost. The final blow to the Empire came with the independence of the Calami Isle, the Calami Republic being declared in 133 CE. The loss of one of the core territories of the Empire led to the abolition of the imperial system and the transition of the remaining Cexan lands along the south-eastern coast of Britcan into a loose collection of city-states.
Similarly, in the west the Rhanaric Kingdoms began to collapse due to a series inconclusive wars between them sparking widespread civil unrest. The weakened rulers of these nations were unable to contain this, resulting in a splintering of the Kingdoms. The meant that by the turn of the 3rd century CE there were no large nations on mainland Britcan for the first time in over 800 years, giving rise to the term 'the Broken Age' to describe this period.

Artistic depiction of the city of
Tyros in the Calami Republic
Throughout the Broken Age the Calami Republic was the largest and arguably the most developed civilisation in what would later become Britcan. The republic was divided in to seven constituent states, each operating on a form of direct democracy that gave the vote to all male citizens. This meant that laws and customs differed between the various states of the island, however historical accounts suggest that in practice these were mostly minor. Each of the constituent states also elected three representatives, generally for a two-year term, to the Council of Calami. The twenty-one members of Council acted as a mediator between the states and also as representatives to the outside world.
The Calami Republic was notable at the time for it's relatively cosmopolitan character, playing host to peoples both from mainland Britcan and further afield. This was fostered by vibrant trade links and the fact that the constituent states would often have mechanisms to foreigners to obtain citizenship, in many instances through military service. Perhaps the most significant group to utilise this system was the Jewish population which settled in the western Calami state of Kiros around 350 CE. It is unknown what the reason for the initial migration was, though some historians have posited that this population may have been initially made up of missionaries or refugees. Despite the lack of information historians generally agree that a significant factor in the choice of Kiros in particular as the destination was the fact that Kirosian laws were, unlike those of the other states, already largely compatible with the Noahide Laws.
Throughout the Broken Age the Calami Republic and the city-states which had succeeded the Cexan Empire were the dominant economic powers, their coastal locations allowing them to become the centre for much of the trade along the southern coast of Albonia. However, this position began to be increasingly challenged by the resurgent powers in Rhanar. Largely divided since the destruction of the major Rhanaric Kingdoms at the end of the 2nd century CE, no single power in Rhanar had been able to challenge the economic dominance of the southern nations. This changed with the creation of the Kingdom of Rhanar in 428 CE under King Audric, which claimed authority over "all Rhanaric peoples from the sea to the mountains". Though in practice the influence of the Kingdom was not quite so wide, it still controlled both the fertile southern portion of Rhanar and much of the resource-rich Leonian mountains. Vesterholm, the capital of the Kingdom, grew into one of the richest and most important cities on the continent. Much of the symbolism associated with Rhanar today was first used at this time.
The first known written accounts from Kiaca are runestones carved in the 9th century CE. Some of the earliest inscriptions detail the laws of what is now referred to as the Kiacan Federation. Based on the available evidence, Kiaca had a unique system of relations between goðar (chieftains) and those who swore fealty to them. The inscriptions describe a pseudo-contractual relationship rather than one of simply subservience wherein the swearing of fealty and paying of tribute guaranteed protections. It seems that families and individuals were, if they felt their chieftain was unjust, free to swear fealty to a different chieftain. While in practice geographical factors, agreements between chieftains, and taboos against frequent transferences of allegiance meant that such switches were not common, evidence suggests that this right was considered fundamental in Kiacan society. This arrangement was reflected in the broader structure of Kiacan society in the period, with chieftaincies generally governing a most a few hundred people, with the average grouping consisting of around 150 adults.

Statue of King Britt
The unification of Britcan is partially shrouded in mystery, with the accounts of the time believed by most historians to be at least partially legendary. Nevertheless, most agree that the figure of King Britt was a real person who formed the Hackinan Kingdom in the year 975 CE. Though this date is now traditionally considered to be the foundation of Britcan, the term Britcan was not commonly used until after his death.
Believed to have reigned for over fifty years, Britt is believed to have been the bastard son of a noble from northern Hackina (present-day Britoa). According to legend, he was declared King after defeating an arming of invading 'Eastmen' (believed to be inhabitants of present-day Viperia). Throughout his reign King Britt expanded the territories of the Kingdom through both conquest and diplomacy, with both the Foren tribes and the Cexan city states being added to the Kingdom by the time of his death in 1032 CE. His successors would style themselves as rulers of Britt Kyarn (the land of Britt) alongside the title of King of Hackina to emphasise their claim to the conquered territories. Over time, this title would become preeminent.
The land of the Halons, roughly corresponding to the modern province of Halmarch, had bordered the Kingdom of Hackinia to the north since it's inception. In the year 1077 CE a Prukovian army crossed the Aureole mountains (known as the Rodameuschel mountains in Kherkov), desiring to subjugate the small duchies that made up the region. This brought them into conflict with the Hackinian Kingdom. A series of wars would be fought over the area in until 1224 CE when a peace would be agreed, recognising Prukovian control over the lands of the Halons. Prukovian settlement of the region would be encouraged, with these settlers forming a ruling class.
Internal conflicts would, however, soon result in the reduction of the Prukovian military presence. This weakness was exploited by the newly-coronated King Dunstan of Hackinia. With little support among the native Halons, the Prukovians were soon forced to withdraw to the Aureole mountains where the harsh terrain stopped the Hackinian advance. In 1301 a new treaty was signed between the Kingdoms, setting the border at the Aureoles. Dunstan established the Halonian lands as a march, with the local lords swearing fealty to him.
The Halonian Wars are believed to be the basis of the Kherkovian association of Britcan with the colour orange as Prukovian armies would likely have described the distinctive orange banners of the Stearn family, who held the position of Marshal throughout the early years of the Hackinian Kingdom.

Battle of Beaufort
in the Leonian
mountains (1475)
Leonian Conflict
The expansions of Prince Jean-Luc IV in the 16th century brought the Principality of Saint-Auguste into conflict with the Kingdom of Rhanar. The difficult terrain of Leonian mountains made fighting large pitched battles difficult, small skirmishes being the norm. Ultimately a peace treaty was signed recognising the Leonian mountains as the border.
Though the conflict was of a relatively low-intensity it had a significant impact on Rhanar. King Gerret II was wounded while leading his armies. The long-term health impacts of this would eventually see him die without issue at the age of 37. Taking advantage of the lack on a clear heir, Jorin of Vesterholm, the late King's Statthalter (Steward), declared himself Despot in 1575. This is considered to be the end of the First Kingdom of Rhanar and the birth of the Despotat Rhanar (Despotate of Rhanar).
At the turn of the 18th century the Britcani legal system worked on the basis of common law, with precedents established by previous rulings forming the basis of the legal system. Historically the monarch had travelled the country with their court, hearing cases and dispensing justice personally. This practice declined over time however, with local magistrates increasingly ruling on cases in the monarch's stead. This situation was viewed unfavourably by much of the general populace as magistrates in any particular area often belonged to a handful of influential local families who would often rule in favour of protecting their own interests. Magistrates were often satirised both in print and in plays as corrupt, greedy, and immoral. It was this issue around which a movement for political reform coalesced as it had the benefit of not only appealing to those philosophically-inclined towards enlightenment ideals but also to the much wider group who felt wronged by corrupt magistrates.
Anti-magisterial movements were often disconnected from one another, springing up organically in opposition to unpopular local figures. Initially many of these local movements were dealt with by individual magistrates voluntarily retiring or being appointed to a post by local officials that necessitated resigning the post of magistrate. However, in cases where the magistrates themselves were unwilling to resign and local officials not proactive in stepping in these movements were often dispersed by violence. Though often the cause of local outcry it wasn't until the proliferation of local newspapers that these incidents caught national attention. A November 1752 report in the Lontwa Gazette of a particularly violent suppression of an anti-magisterial movement in the town of Ashfield was re-published in newspapers across the country, causing national outrage. This prompted further reporting of other violent actions against protesters and a growth in anti-magisterial movements across Britcan. This was responded to by further violence.
By the turn of the new year the situation had reached a boiling point, with news of protests and their suppression being a daily feature of newspapers. This caused growing concern at the Royal Court, with some fearing a revolution. King John III, however, refused calls from magistrates to ban newspapers. This was taken to be a gesture of support by the anti-magisterial movement. Leaders from around the country met in Ashfield in the Spring of 1753, organising a March on Lontwa to directly appeal to the King. By the time it reached the city in June the march numbered in the thousands. Fearing a riot, the King met the organisers of the march. Hearing their concerns, he pledged to take the power to interpret laws out of the hands of magistrates. In order to codify the laws of the land he invited representatives from across the country to come to Lontwa. This body would become the first ever Britcani National Assembly.

Artistic depiction of Britcani line infantry
in the First Kherovian-Britcani War
In the 19th century Britcan faced it's first external threat in almost two hundred years. The first war, lasting from 1816 to 1819, was led by Prukov but involved a wide coalition of Kherkovian Imperial States. The war was a humiliation for Britcan, with Kherkovian forces capturing Northford in 1819 and Britcan being forced into making significant trade and diplomatic concessions to achieve peace and the return of the lost territory.
This defeat forced a rethink in Britcani military strategy. Britcan had been hampered by the need to move soldiers and officers from the west in order to combat the invasion, the forces in the east alone being unable to hold off the Kherkovian invasion. The 'Two Armies' doctrine was implemented in response. The doctrine held that, in order to deal with Rhanar in the west and Kherkov and Viperia in the east, Britcan must have two distinct armies, each capable of fighting a war on their respective front independently. Additionally, the practice of buying commissions in the Britcani Army was banned in 1821.
The Britcani reforms were tested in the Kherian invasion of Halmarch in 1883. Beliving the Britcani army would collapse, as it had done in the previous war, Kheria intended to secure the wealth generated by the gold deposits in Halmarch. In actuality the Britcani forces triumphed, with only a desperate rearguard action at the battle of the Red Valley preventing the Kherian forces from being utterly destroyed. While the end of the war in 1885 was legally status quo ante bellum, it was considered to be an undisputed victory for Britcan.
50 Years War
see also: Fifty Years' War
Also known as the Rhanaro-Britcani War or the Rhanaric War, 1913-63, ends with the occupation of Rhanar.
By the time the the 50 Years War was formally concluded, significant portions of eastern Rhanar had been governed under civilian-led Britani rule for over two decades. Local elections had been held in these areas and many of the region's leading politicians had themselves been persecuted or forced into exile by the now defeated Rhanaric regime. This was compounded by the fact that the strongest supporters of the regime had fled into the Leonian mountains with the retreating forces. The attitude to Britcani governance in 1963 was thus, at least in the more populous eastern regions, generally positive. By 1965 most Britcani military forces had departed Rhanar, the country being formally under the control of the Provisional Government in Vesterholm. In the elections that year the Labour Party of Rhanar, running on a platform of unification with Britcan, became the largest party. After lengthy negotiations with the Britcani Government, a date for the referendum was set: 30th July 1966. The unification campaign was principally supported by left-wing and liberal parties and politicians, the Labour party being the most prominent figures. The anti-unification campaign was led by conservatives and monarchists, drawing much of it's support from the mountainous west. Ultimately the unification campaign won 71% of the vote to 29%, formally Rhanar becoming a province of Britcan in 1968.
Following the unification, significant efforts were made by the Britcani government to integrate Rhanar. The war had left significant devastation, particularly in the west. This led to the establishment of LAMBDA, the Leonian Alpine Management Bureau and Development Authority. Key projects of LAMBDA involved the establishment of massive dams in the mountains, dismantling many of the numerous alpine defences built since 1900, and rewilding the large swathes of land that had been stripped of resources over the last few decades. Critics of the program argued that LAMBDA was merely a way of providing jobs, pointing out that many of the dams were surplus to requirements for energy generation and simply acted as expensive reservoirs. However, the popular support for the program in the region has meant that it continues to exist into the modern day, though capital-intensive projects are now no longer routinely undertaken.

The Kiacan football team line up for
their final match against Britcan (1975)
The Kiacan Confederation had been in a
personal union with the Kingdom of Britcan since King Peter III was declared High King of Kiaca by the Stórþing in 1937. The title was conferred again by the Stórþing to Stephen V upon his accession to the throne of Britcan in 1958. Kiaca had benefitted greatly from it's relationship with Britcan both via military aid during the 50 Years War and by economic assistance in the years since. Opinion polling showed that Kiacans had significantly higher levels of trust in the Britcani Monarchy and Government than they did in their own, the memory of the Jarls Paramount surrendering to the Rhanaric invaders still lingering.
At the urging of the Stórþing, the Kiacan government signed an agreement to become an
associated state of Britcan in 1964. The hope was that Britcan would help reform the structures of Kiaca into that of a modern state. The subsequent years saw changes to the Stórþing, the abolition of the Jarls, and the introduction of Hreppur as a way of introducing democratic governance to local communities. These changes were well-received and the 1966 elections to the Stórþing saw the election of a strongly pro-Britcan majority. The referendum and subsequent accession of Rhanar to Britcan generated considerable discussion in Kiaca. Many Kiacans, especially those who had fought in the war or had benefitted from Britcani economic assistance, viewed Britcani rule as preferable to rule by local elites. In the 1971 elections the single-issue Union Party won 27% of the vote with their pledge to seek a political union with Britcan. They subsequently agreed to support the government in exchange for a referendum on accession. The referendum was held on 2nd June 1973. 68% voted in favour of accession with 32% against. Kiaca formally became a province of Britcan in 1975. This coincided with the celebrations to commemorate the millennium of the Hackinian Kingdom, founded in 975.

Harriet Bloom served as Prime
Minister from 1979-1989
The 1979 election resulted in the formation of the first ever SDP-led government led by Britcan's first ever female Prime Minister, Harriet Bloom. Supported by the Agrarian Union and Liberal Party, Bloom's premiership was characterised by political reform. The system of provincial assemblies was standardised across the country and many of the precedents established in the wartime years were formalised in law. Bloom's SDP was defeated in the 1989 General Election, William Sargent of the Conservative Caucus taking her place as Prime Minister. An old-fashioned conservative from the economically moderate wing of the party, Sargent's government was characterised by it's focus on steady management rather than sweeping changes.
Britcan did not directly intervene in the 1992-95 Pruko-Kherian War, the government merely issuing diplomatic protests and withdrawing from some international organisations. Recent memories of the long campaign in Rhanar creating little appetite for involvedment another conflict. Sanctions were implemented against the Prukovian government while trade with Kheria was permitted to continue as usual, with large quantities of supplies going to Kheria while refugees entered Britan seeking sanctuary. Many Britcanis, including veterans of the Rhanaric War in their 50s and 60s, volunteered to fight for Kheria. Despite Prukovian diplomatic objections, the Britcani government declined to take steps to stop volunteers crossing the border. Viperian entry into the war was treated with concern, with forces on the border placed on high alert and their numbers reinforced in order to discourage any incursions into Britcan. As it became clear that Kheria would lose the war Britcan focused on humanitarian efforts. Sites for processing increasing numbers of refugees were set up, with many refugees eventually settling in Rhanar due to the mutual ineligibility of Kherian and Rhanaric German. Though Prukov was displeased with the Britcani government harbouring Kherians the subject was not pressed.
Prime Minister William Sargent was forced to step down in 1996 despite having won a General election just two years earlier. Though not unpopular with the population at large, he faced an internal rebellion over his refusal to implement the more drastic changes many in the Caucus desired. He was replaced by Xavier Turnock of the Britcani Peoples Party faction of the Caucus. Calling a snap General Election the next year, the Conservative Caucus maintained their status as the largest party. Importantly for Turnock, the Britcani Peoples Party gained seats despite the Caucus's overall slight reduction in seats.

Dan Miller served as Prime
Minister from 2002-2015
Turnock's government was criticised heavily for their slow action in regards to the Millennium Genocide in Kherkov. The Moderate Party, a junior partner in the governing coalition, leaving the government over the issue. While the surviving Khero-Slavic population was eventually settled in Britcan and a full embargo enforced on Kherkov, the weakness of the response created a massive scandal. Some have attributed the response to the influence of the National Union, the other junior partner in the governing coalition which had strong pro-Kherkov views. The National Union would lose all their seats at the next election and soon thereafter be banned due to the uncovering of illicit funding streams believed to be connected to the Kherkovian government.
The Turnock-led government limped on to the next election, their polling at record lows. They suffered humiliating defeats in a number of by-elections, most notably the 2001 Ashfield by-election where a previously safe conservative seat was won by Sir John Clarke of the Moderate Party, a veteran of the 50 Years War who had volunteered to fight for Kheria in the Pruko-Kherian War.
In the 2002 elections the SDP won an outright majority, becoming the first party to do so in the modern era. This enabled their leader, Dan Miller, to become Prime Minister without the need for coalitions negotiations. While the SDP had been expected to be the largest party after the elections, this surprised even the SDP themselves, the party had having been holding preliminary discussions with smaller parties prior to the election.
Miller's Premiership was marked by a shift towards increasing international participation, Britcan notably becoming a foundational member of the League of Free Nations alongside Saint-auguste and The Aderan Republic of Acroticus.
In 2015, after almost thirteen years as Prime Minister, Dan Miller announced his intention to resign. Michael Rooke won the ensuing leadership contest and became Prime Minister on 5th May 2015. He held a snap-election the following year, the SDP retaining their position as the largest party and Rooke retaining the position of Prime Minister, forming a coalition with the Labour Party and the Liberal Alliance. In the 2021 election the Conservative Caucus became the largest party, Gregory Abbott becoming Prime Minister.

Climate Map of Albionia
Britcan lies within the western half of the continent of Albionia. It is bordered by the White Sea in the north and by the Melioric Ocean in the south. It shares a land border with Saint-auguste in the west, Kherkov to the northeast, and Viperia to the southeast. Britcan's borders largely follow natural features, with mountainous terrain marking the border in the west and both mountains and rivers marking the border in the east.
Britcan includes many coastal islands, of which Calami and Sodor are the largest. The largest river contained within Britcan is the Fairwater River, it's two major tributaries, the Halden and Weisswas, being significant waterways in their own right. Britcan contains three major mountainous ranges: the Leonian Mountains on the Saint-Augustine border, the Aureoles (known as the Rodameuschel range in Kherkov) on the Kherkovian border, and the Pale Mountains which separate the province of Kiaca from the rest of Britcan. Britcan has plentiful agricultural land, particularly in the south and east of the country. In particular, the province of Foren has been referred to as the nation's
breadbasket.
Britcan covers an area of 4,270,725 square kilometres, making it the largest nation in terms of area on the continent.
As a large nation, Britcan experiences a variety of climates. The south coast enjoys a Mediterranean climate, with the provinces of Calami and Kex in particular being characterised by their hot summers and mild, wet winters. In contrast, the northern province of Kiaca experiences a largely subarctic climate characterised by long cold winters and taiga forests of coniferous trees. The rest of Britcan is largely temperate. Near the coasts it experiences a wet oceanic climate defined by few seasonal temperature changes with mild summers and cool winters. This gives way to a more continental climate further inland where precipitation is lower and seasonal differences are more severe.
Politics & Governance

King Matthew II (2005)
The Kingdom of Britcan is a unitary state under a constitutional monarchy with King Matthew II serving as monarch and head of state. The Prime Minister since the 2021 election is Gregory Abbott, who serves as the head of government.
Since 1985 the duties of the monarch as head of state have been largely ceremonial, though this was also the de facto situation prior to the 1985 reforms. While the monarch retains the right to be briefed and consulted by the Prime Minister at their regular meetings, they no longer wield formal power. Executive power is instead entrusted in the cabinet as a whole, among whom the Prime Minister is
primus inter pares.

Interior of the Britcani
National Assembly, Lontwa
The nation has a bicameral parliamentary system of government, largely based on the Westminster system. The parliament of Britcan is based in Lontwa and consists of two houses: the National Assembly and the Royal Council. Members of the National Assembly are elected by the single transferable vote voting system while the Royal Council is composed of both elected representatives of Britcan's nine provinces and appointees. Elections to the National Assembly must take place at least every five years while members of the Royal Council serve seven year terms. The National Assembly is the primary legislative house, with the function of the Royal Council largely being to scrutinise and make advisory amendments to legislation. Upon passage through both houses bills are signed into law by the Monarch or their appointed representative, becoming law.
The position of prime minister belongs to the person most able to command the confidence of the National Assembly; this individual is typically the leader of the political party or coalition of parties that holds the largest number of seats in that chamber. In order to unseat a sitting Prime Minister the National Assembly must declare their confidence in a person to take the office. The Prime Minister chooses a cabinet and its members form the government. The cabinet is typically primarily drawn from National Assembly members of the parties supporting the Prime Minister, though members of the Royal Council are eligible to serve and do so on occasion.
The current government is a Conservative-led minority government, supported by the Moderates and the Agrarian Party.
Britcan uses a civil legal system, wherein law arises primarily from written statutes; judges do not to make law, but merely interpret it (though the amount of judicial interpretation in certain areas makes it equivalent to case law in a common law system). In accordance with the 1792 Declaration of Rights and Freedoms, which states "freedom is to be presumed, restriction is to be the exception", citizens of Britcan are assumed to be permitted to do anything that is not banned it law.
Human rights are codified in Britcani law and the country is often rated highly in international rankings for civil liberties and political rights.
Britcan is a member of both the World Assembly and a founding member of the Commonwealth Society. Post-war Britcani foreign policy has largely eschewed military intervention, favouring a defensive posture and looking to use less overt means to counterbalance the influence in the region of Kherkov and Viperia, with which Britcan is often in diplomatic conflict.
Relations with it's western neighbour Saint-auguste are notably warmer, especially since the accession of Princess Stéphanie I with the two nations signing the Oldenbek Agreement shortly after her coronation. Britcan has also sought to develop a closer relationship with The Aderan Republic of Acroticus in recent years. The ARA, Saint-Auguste and Britcan are founding members of the LFN and signatories to the Trans-Melioric Trade Partnership.
Britcan is a significant contributor of aid to developing nations.
Military
see also: Equipment of the Britcani Armed Forces
The Britcani Armed Forces consist of three branches: the Royal Britcani Army, the Royal Britcani Navy, and the Royal Britcani Air Force. The ceremonial Commander-in-Chief is the Britcani Monarch, to whom service members swear an oath of allegiance along with the nation as a whole. In practice the Government directs the activities of the Military, with the Minister of Defence overseeing the day-to-day management of the armed forces.
In addition to it's professional standing army, Britcan maintains a large reserve force. Due to wariness of it's eastern neighbours, the Britcani government invests significantly in it's ability to quickly mobilise to fight a defensive war. Business receive generous subsidies in exchange time lost to reservist training and a significant amount of civilian infrastructure is designed to be used for military purposes. For example, sections of motorway are designed to
function as airstrips in emergencies.

Composition of the National Assembly (2016)
Despite being a unitary state in law, in practice large powers are devolved to Britcan's nine provinces: Kiaca, Rhanar, Halmarch, Semland, Britoa, Hackshire, Forten, Kex, and Calami. Each province have their own government, lead by a provincial premier and a devolved unicameral legislative assembly. Provinces exercise significant powers over matters such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure.
Some academics have suggested that the selection of powers devolved means that Britcan is more properly viewed as a federal state rather than a unitary one. However, others have argued that because the devolved administrations are ultimately granted their power by central government such a description would be inaccurate.
Local affairs are governed by local authorities the populations of which range from the millions, in the case of large cities such as Lontwa, Ida, and Bridgeport, to the thousands. Until the implementation of the Local Government Reform Act (2005) much of Britcan had two tiers of local government but has since exclusively utilised unitary authorities.
Political Parties
see also: Political groupings of the Britcani National Assembly
The 500-seat Britcani National Assembly contains nine party groups and eleven independent MPs. In order to form a formal group National Assembly five MPs must declare their affiliation with to said grouping. This means that although some 'independent' MPs are actually members of political parties they are not considered to be a member of a party group for procedural or administrative purposes, but are instead considered to be in the Independent Group. Forming a group has various procedural benefits so when feasible MPs will generally try to form one. The largest party in the National Assembly is the Conservative Caucus, which holds 161 out of 500 seats. The other parties represented in the the National Assembly are, in order of seats, the Social Democratic Party, the Liberal Alliance, the Britcani Labour Party, the Agrarian Union, the Moderate Party, the National Party, and the Socialist Party of Britcan.

Map of the provinces of Britcan
Britcan had an estimated population of 369,100,000 as of 2020, making it the second most populous nation on the continent. The majority of Britcanis consider themselves to be Brittanian, with the next most common identities being Rhanaric, Calamian, and Kiacan.
English is the official language of Britcan and the most widely spoken, with almost all Britcanis having some level of proficiency in the language. English was first introduced as a trade language, becoming a lingua franca of merchants and the nobility and eventually displacing various indigenous languages.
Additionally, some languages have official status on a provincial level: Rhanaric German in Rhanar, Kiacan in Kiaca, and Hebrew in Calami. In these provinces signage and information is usually produced in both English and the official provincial languages.
Rhanaric German is a dialect of
Low German. While historically distinct, the Rhanaric dialect has begun to drift closer to
Standard German in modern times.
Kiacan is a
North Germanic language, brought over by early settlers. It is notable for having changed relatively little, with the earliest manuscripts still being somewhat intelligible to modern speakers.
The revitalised
Hebrew language began to gain popularity among the Jewish population of Calami at the turn of the 20th century, being recognised as an official minority language in 1952.
Rank | City | Population | Province |
1 | Lontwa | 9.2 Million | Britoa |
2 | Ida | 8.4 Million | Halmarch |
3 | Bridgeport | 4.1 Million | Semland |
4 | Vesterholm | 3.6 Million | Rhanar |
5 | Oakwood | 2.7 Million | Forten |
6 | Ronton | 2.6 Million | Kex |
7 | Veroni | 1.9 Million | Hackshire |
8 | Calami City | 1.7 Million | Calami |
9 | Northford | 1.5 Million | Britoa |
10 | Enchester | 1.3 Million | Halmarch |
Britcan has a highly developed mixed-market economy, among the largest in the world. It ranks close to the world average for economic freedom, with respect for property rights and liberal trade policies being balanced out by above average taxes and stringent regulations, particularly in regards to the environment. Britcan ranks low for corruption and inequality and high for average incomes.
The tertiary and quaternary sectors form the largest part of the Britcani economy, with Britcani being a leader in knowledge based industries such as technology and pharmaceuticals and having a thriving cultural sector. Retail, tourism, and other service-based industries are also prominent.
The share of the economy comprised of primary and secondary sectors of the Britcani economy has declined since the middle of the 20th century. Agriculture is largely supported by government subsidies and thus primarily produces food rather than cash crops. Britcan enjoys rich mineral resources, particularly in the west and north, however reluctance to exploit more environmentally sensitive areas has limited the industry's size. The manufacturing sector has experienced the most notable decline in prominence, though industries such as shipbuilding and the rail industry are kept healthy by government contracts.
The currency of the Kingdom of Britcan is the Pounar (Ᵽ), it's name originating as a contraction of 'pound of (silver)'.
The culture of Britcan is a product of the mixing of a variety for regional cultures. Some of these, such as Rhanaric and Kiacan cultures, have remained relatively distinct whereas others have become more amalgamated with each other. Britcan is notable for it's secularism, with religion considered a private matter and outward displays of religiosity being uncommon. Britcan has a long history of social tolerance and today is regarded as a liberal country, due to its drug policy and the legal status of euthanasia. It was accordingly the first country on the continent to legalise same-sex marriage.
Various styles of music are popular in Britcan, with rock music being notably popular and many Britcani rock bands enjoying success around the world. Traditional Kiacan music has enjoyed a revival in recent years after experiencing a decline in the years after unification. The city of Bridgeport is notable for it's music scene, with many studios and artists based there.

Players of the Britcani
National Football Team
Sports
see also: Football in Britcan
Association football is the most popular support in Britcan among both men and women of all ages and is governed by the Football Association of Britcan. The Britcani First Division represents the top level of football in the country. Halmarch and Kiaca are the only provinces of the country where football is not the most popular sport, with Rugby ranking first in Halmarch and Snowsports first in Kiaca. Winter sports are popular in the northern and mountainous regions of the country, with Britcan being notable for it's Snowboarding scene. Surfing is popular in the regions of Calami and Kex, which enjoy a warmer climate. The biannual provincial games between the various regions of Britcan are the largest athletics event in Britcan.
Britcan is notable for it's literature, having one of the largest publishing industries in the world. The annual Veroni Book Fair is notable for it's longevity, having taken place for over 300 years. Britcani authors both modern and historical have achieved international renown. Notable Britcani authors include A.J. Lewin, Sandra Powell, George P. Hodge, and Edwin Duke.









