Commonwealth of LibertyBoard

| SEPTEMBER | SANZA YA LIBWA |

| 1971 |

| ꜰʟɴᴄ ★ ꜰʀᴏɴᴛ ᴅᴇ ʟɪʙᴇʀᴀᴛɪᴏɴ ɴᴀᴛɪᴏɴᴀʟᴇ ᴄᴏɴɢᴏʟᴀɪꜱᴇ ★|

𝚃𝙸𝚃-𝙵𝙾𝚁-𝚃𝙰𝚃

| Perhaps a sign of how much the rebellion has scared the tyrant, Mobutu's approval of death squads operating against the rebels, using the most inhumane and brutal of tactics, has only strengthened the resolve of the Congolese rebels against their tyrant overlords. However the question on how they should respond has proved particularly contentious amongst the leadership of the Front. On the one hand, Chairman Ngoma proposed higher intensity and frequency of attacks against strategic targets, as well as continuing on with the current course. Meanwhile, the de-facto military leader of the movement, Laurent Kabila, has proposed a 'tit-for-tat' strategy of engaging in retributionary operations against Mobutu controlled areas.  

| So far the greatest strength of the National Front has been its ability to be more disciplined and effective than other former rebellions. Engaging in retibution at such level would threaten to drag down the FLNC back to its non-discplined roots. However, the FLNC also would lose its legitimacy if it simply decided to not engage in action in response to these attacks and stepped up the nature of their operations. The debates on this matter highlighted another division, that of the more moderate line of Yves Ngoma, and that of the hardline line of Laurent Kabila. |

| Long nights of debates eventually saw Kabila's plan win by a small margin, and so Chairman Ngoma was forced to accept the 'tit-for-tat' military strategy. Now for every attack that Mobutu's army would commit, the FLNC's military would conduct a counter-raid and military operation on places under Mobutu's control. The raids would be equal in brutality and destruction to the one's conducted by Mobutu's death squads. The difference however is that the targets will be precise, and a large portion of the attacks would be directed towards military targets. |

| For this to work however, the FLNC would need a particularly strong propaganda strategy, to ensure that Mobutu's attrocities are publicized wide and far while the FLNC's own operations remain under wraps or at least public opinion turns on Mobutu so fast that it doens't get a chance to be influenced by anti-FLNC propaganda|

| The 'tit-for-tat' strategy wouldn't take so long to be implemented. Raiding, pillaging, and destroying the military infrastructure of villages like Bobilla, Bonguma, and Mondingiri along the way, the National People's Army would make its way to Lisala, one of the main population centres in the region. Instead of directly attacking the city however, a brutal siege would be implemented using the armour and artillery that is present within the FLNC's arsenal. The siege would aim to attrition Lisala out of its resources while launching daily artillery strikes to destroy certain pieces of vital infrastructure. |

| Back in the rebel capital of Gemena, Chairman Ngoma would be uneasy with this course of action, trying to intervene as much as possible to ensure a 'humane' treatment of those attacked by the FLNC-NPA, but it was too late, the damage was already done. Adopting another strategy from the death squads, the FLNC would leave propaganda blaming the attacks on Mobutu and attempting to mobilize the populations attacked against the tyrant who opened the way for their destruction. |

HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE IS WRITTEN IN IRON AND BLOOD!

SHŌWA 46 | NOVEMBER 1971
待望の円切り上げ


The Much-Needed Yen Revaluation

 Y E N   R E V A L U A T I O N 

君が代は 千代に八千代に 細石の 巌と為りて 苔の生すまで	May your reign Continue for a thousand, eight thousand generations, Until the tiny pebbles Grow into massive boulders Lush with moss

TOKYO BAY — MORNINGTIME
_{TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon}

| In Tokyo, Japanese Finance Minister MIKIO MIZUTA met with U.S. Treasury Secretary JONH B. CONNALLY to reject Washington’s efforts to get Japan to revalue the yen. Mizuta pointed out several reasons why Japan could not revalue the yen without substantial concessions from the U.S. government. The Treasury Secretary arrived last night on the final stage of his trip to Asia for what the Japanese consider critical discussions for economic and diplomatic relations between the two nations, as they are each other’s main allies in East Asia. Economically, Washington has long called on Japan to revalue the yen by 15 to 20% as the American government needs help to overcome growing deficits in its international payments palace. It has become much clearer to the Japanese that the American government wants to first reach an agreement with Japan and then use this to align the Western European nations. |

| Diplomatically, the visit by NIXON’s Treasury Secretary is widely seen as a possible turning point in extremely tense relations between the United States and Japan. An agreement on the revaluation of the yen and other economic issues would likely help stem the deterioration of relations, and no agreement would accelerate the decline. Japan is currently going through a recession due to the fluctuation of the dollar and the imposition of a 10% surcharge on imports in the essential American market, preventing a major revaluation of the yen. Japan is not willing to realign the yen with just the dollar, but insists on a global agreement that includes the European Economic Community. MIZUTA indirectly warned the Treasury Secretary that the American government should not try to force an agreement, but rather reach a compromise with Japan and the Common Market, whose members are France, West Germany, Italy, Wallonia, and the Netherlands. |

| Both the Treasury Secretary and the Finance Minister expressed hope that the currency crisis could be resolved before the end of the year. The Japanese expected Connally to bring a barrage of demands that Japan revalue its currency by a large margin, lift barriers on American imports, impose further restrictions on Japanese exports to the American market, and obtain a greater share in American defense in Asia — all to alleviate the U.S. balance of payments deficit. Later, the chairman of the President’s Council of Economic Advisers PAUL M. MCCRACKEN met with EISAKU SATO, MIZUTA, and other members of the Japanese cabinet. Many have increasingly pressured the Prime Minister’s Cabinet not to re-evaluate or compromise trade issues with the Americans except on Japanese terms. The business community wanted to keep the revaluation between 9-10%, plus a 2% band on either side of a new parity at which exchange rates would fluctuate. That would be about where the yen is trading now. The dollar has been supported by the Bank of Japan precisely to prevent the yen from rising too much. |

West Indies Federation - November 1971

Saving and Expanding

Over the course of the year, investments from foreign countries and businesses as far as Japan and Russia have flooded into the West Indies Federation following the success of the Grand Diplomatic Trip by Prime Minister Eric Williams. With it, government and the private sector is now able to advance on projects previously though unable due to the state of the economy. Take a walk into High Street, San Fernando, and you may begin to see more radios, televisions and cameras than ever before. Services from inter-business cooperation have boomed in the urban centers, with talk of the establishment of assembly plants for vehicles by Mitsubishi. As television begins to be used more and more the West Indies Telecommunications Company has even opened a new satellite earth station in Matura, with other such ones planned across the Federation.

As sugar plantations and agricultural ventures were in a spree of closures and buyouts since the early 60s, the agricultural sectors of islands such as Trinidad looked doomed for failure, not anymore. Now agriculture is back with the economy to be given a roaring revival of funds ensuring the survival of the nation's food and product base. Tourism on all the islands is also beginning to see an uptick due to immigration relaxations with the eastern bloc countries, providing a new market of those wishing to escape the harsh east European winters.

The private sector is not the only one benefiting from newfound foreign attention to the West Indies. Government has unveiled new plans for spending between 1971-1980 which include a mass expansion of the highways in Trinidad and Jamaica, the two most densely populated of the Federation, development of new offshore oil rigs by the West Indies Petroleum Company, a steel manufactory in Point Lisas, suburban and housing block development at Kingston, a new power station in Woodbrook, among various other development on various other islands. Pursuing the goal of using the state to guide development in the economy through these types of projects, the government hopes that the industries which come out of the new projects can further expand the West Indies economy.

Activism and Agitation

As the nation moves on from the 1970 Black Power Riots, that doesn't mean that the political wheels have stopped turning. The leading group of the BPM is the National Joint Action Committee under Makandal Daaga, previously known as Geddes Granger. He was the founder of the NJAC out of a mixture of smaller student groups and racial activists within the Federation at the time and while starting out as simply a Trinidad movement, rapidly expanded into every island as 1970 reached its height. With the worst of the riots behind them, the NJAC is now aiming to put themselves in a place to contest the 1972 General Elections as a 3rd party. Daaga knows he's too controversial of a figure to ever win but that's not his intention, he wants to drive a wedge into the parliament so that his party has to be listened to.

The two parties that have a shot at actually winning are the Democratic Action Congress and the West Indies National Party, led by ANR Robinson and Ashford Sinanan respectively. Both of these parties formed recently as a result of disagreements by both men in the standing political parties. Robinson was the representative of Tobago for the WIFLP, and resigned in 1970 in protest of Eric Williams' harsh response to the Black Power Movement. He is well-spoken, well-educated man who continues the support of social democracy and liberalism within the Federation.
Sinanan is quite similar, his National Party can be best described as "left anti-communist". Supportive of labor unions and racial activism, Sinanan is also a man who deeply despises the idea of "socialism" and drew his line at the opening of relations with China. Both the WINP and the DAC have a chance at winning the election if even by a slim margin, but should they decide to form a coalition, they will be far more formidable. The concept of this "National Alliance for Reconstruction" has been floated by both Robinson and a member of the National Party called Basdeo Panday, but neither party has taken the step.

Lastly there is the Left Alliance for National Democracy and Socialism. Leaving nothing to the imagination, the LANPS is a representative of the new far-left that has been formed in the direct wake of the Black Power Riots. Making up the previously electorally dead Trinidad Socialist Party, Workers and Farmers Party, Caribbean Socialist Party, and the socialist fringes of Jamaica, St Lucia and Grenada, the alliance is one that is new and unstable. Though they've positioned themselves to campaign to try and contest the election, they have not even decided who they would run as their ticket. Albert Gomes from Trinidad, Chris Lawrence of Jamaica, Maurice Bishop of Grenada and groups like the Clement Payne movement in Barbados all want to take their shot at the ticket.

| TWENTY-NINTH OF NOVEMBER | 十一月二十九日 |

| 1971 |

| 8am |

PRC ★ PEOPLES’ REPUBLIC OF CHINA
中华人民共和国  |

CHINESE SOLDIERS CROSS THE SINO-SIAM LINE:
THE CHINESE PEOPLE’S VOLUNTEER STRIKES THE SINO-SIAM BORDER FOR THE LIBERATION OF LAOS ALONGSIDE THE PATHET LAO!
中国士兵跨越中暹线：中国人民志愿军沿巴寮河进攻中暹边境，解放老挝!

| Liberation for Laos has come, the Red banner and Lao flag fly side by side as CPV columns and Chinese airstrikes strike against occupation forces in a blazing fury. The goal now is to make the keeping of Laos a impossibility for Siam, a peer to peer conflict against the CPV and an intense People’s War behind the Siamese lines in the countryside and city. All the PRC needed to do was show the Lao people that victory and liberation is coming, and that Beijing will be the one facilitating it. A secret assurance would be given to any nation that sought to disway the Chinese promise to Laos, the PRC assured them that no Chinese force would advance past the original borders of the Kingdom of Laos mostly made up by the Mekong River…|

| CHINESE PEOPLE’S VOLUNTEER LINES THE SINO-LAO BORDER PREPARED FOR THE FIRST LIBERATION OFFENSIVE - 中国人民志愿军在中老边境列队，准备发动第一次解放攻势 |

| 80,000 Volunteers stationed in and around the cities of Xishuangbanna and Puer, each of them already completing military training within the PLA and brimming with Chinese Patriotism. Alongside them were 50,000 Local Chinese Militiamen taking their duty to protect the border and assisting the logistics of the CPV. 2,000 Pathet Lao also sat on the Chinese side of the Sino-Lao border, most of them undergoing some PLA training although that wasn’t a necessity. Many of them have come as China recognized the LPRP and Pathet Lao as the true government and armed forces of Laos and could come to China to receive better military and ideological training. The 2,000 Pathet Lao would be an asset to show the Lao people that this is not a Chinese “invasion” but instead a Lao Liberation under the assistance of China. |

| Eight CPV divisions stood prepared at the border in their positions unknown of Siamese capabilities to defend their frontier with so much chaos within the urban centers. They listened to the roar of PLAAF airstrikes off in the distance as they marched to their objective. The red flag of the CPV marked their uniforms; alongside them the Pathet Lao marched within their ranks in much smaller quantities. Their uniforms were marked with the Lao Flag, all of them knowing they were committed to their patriotic duty to free the Lao people from an imperialist force. |

CPV divisions and objectives - 越南共产党的分工和目标

| 1st CPV Division | 10,000 Men | 40 T-59, 10 T-34, 12 Type 63, 20 BMP-1, 17 Type 60 122mm, 3 Type 63 107mm rocket launcher,  10 61-K, and 15 Type 63 AA | Panghai Border Crossing |

| 2nd CPV Division | 10,000 Men | 40 T-59, 10 T-34, 12 Type 63, 20 BMP-1, 17 Type 60 122mm, 3 Type 63 107mm rocket launcher,  10 61-K, and 15 Type 63 AA | Boten Border Crossing |

| 3rd CPV Division | 10,000 Men | 40 T-59, 10 T-34, 12 Type 63, 20 BMP-1, 17 Type 60 122mm, 3 Type 63 107mm rocket launcher,  10 61-K, and 15 Type 63 AA | Lantouy Border Crossing |

| 4th CPV Division | 10,000 Men | 40 T-59, 10 T-34, 12 Type 63, 20 BMP-1, 17 Type 60 122mm, 3 Type 63 107mm rocket launcher,  10 61-K, and 15 Type 63 AA | Ban Mom |

| 5th  CPV Division | 10,000 Men | 40 T-59, 10 T-34, 12 Type 63, 20 BMP-1, 17 Type 60 122mm, 3 Type 63 107mm rocket launcher,  10 61-K, and 15 Type 63 AA | Boten Border Crossing |

| 6th CPV Division | 10,000 Men | 40 T-59, 10 T-34, 12 Type 63, 20 BMP-1, 17 Type 60 122mm, 3 Type 63 107mm rocket launcher,  10 61-K, and 15 Type 63 AA | Lantouy Border Crossing |

| 7th CPV Division | 10,000 Men | 40 T-59, 10 T-34, 12 Type 63, 20 BMP-1, 17 Type 60 122mm, 3 Type 63 107mm rocket launcher,  10 61-K, and 15 Type 63 AA | Mountain roads southwest of Ban Hom [21.62557° N, 101.81529° E] |

| 8th CPV Division | 10,000 Men | 40 T-59, 10 T-34, Type 63, 20 BMP-1, 17 Type 60 122mm, 3 Type 63 107mm rocket launcher,  10 61-K, and 15 Type 63 AA | Mountain Roads at [21.17625° N, 101.78561° E] |

Pathet Lao Companies and assigned CPV unit - 巴特寮公司和指定每次观看费用单位

| Red Prince Company | 250 men | 1st CPV Division

| Kaysone Company | 250 men | 2nd CPV Division

| Nouhak Company | 250 men | 3rd CPV Division

| Khongpasaon Company | 250 men | 4th CPV Division

| Siaedng Company | 250 men | 5th CPV Division

| Fri Company | 250 men | 6th CPV Division

| Kan podpony Company | 250 | 7th CPV Division

| Mekong Company | 250 men | 8th CPV Division

Divisional Battle Order - 师级战斗序列

| The CPV divisions are to be uniform in their makeup to ensure proper attack and defense capabilities across the front.

Three Infantry Regiments | One Tank Regiment | One Artillery Regiment

Battle Tactics - 战斗策略

| The initial border crossings were to be done as quickly as possible as knowledge of Siamese Border defense capabilities was limited, but the mountainous terrain could easily bog down the larger CPV formations in their crossings. To prevent the larger CPV formations from coming into direct combat with enemies too soon the Pathet Lao Companies would be utilized for their purpose.

The Pathet Lao had the task of being the first to enter Laos showing to Lao civilians that this was a Laotian Liberation not a Chinese Invasion. They would also act as a screening force testing where Siamese defenses are, harass the enemy with asymmetric tactics, prevent enemy forces from advancing too quickly towards the main CPV force, and scout areas Siamese forces could attack from .

•Screen enemies for defenses and hard points
•Harass enemies utilizing Small arms
•Destroy anti-armor capabilities of enemy
•Gather information for defenses or for the next advances

The CPV formations once past the initial border crossing would break into smaller more manageable units to saturate the valleys they seek to liberate. Artillery was to set up in the hills whenever possible to overlook the valleys and fire heavily on any approaching Siamese force. Tanks would initially hang back until out of the mountain trails and be used to defend the valleys once taken. The APC was to be utilized to rush CPV troops into an area with more protection than the normal truck and would be used heavily for the first initial mountain crossings to be able to deploy units whose objective will be to clear out Siamese forces in the border region before the main force. Beijing hoped this show of solidarity and action would kick off even more chaos within Siamese occupied areas bringing the Siamese essentially into a two front war. A war with the CPV and against the Lao people. |

| AIRSTRIKES AGAINST SIAMESE OCCUPATION FORCES - 对暹罗占领军的空袭 |

| 30 Minutes before the Invasion the skies of Northern Laos were to roar. The authorization of the PLA Air Force would be given and the predetermined targets along with the list of acceptable targets to fire upon in the initial strike. The PLA insignias would be painted over instead equipped with the symbols of the CPV instead. The main mission for the PLAAF would be to establish air superiority across the operational area in Laos and further.

•Siamese Border Security facilities in Boten, Lantouy, and Panghai
•Siamese Military Convoys

These would be the primary bombing targets in the initial phase with the PLAAF committing to limit civilian casualties as much as possible, further targets and those that could not be determined to be fully loyal to Siam or fully military in nature would be avoided.

•50X Shenyang J-5 Fighter Jets
•10X Harbin H-5 Jet Bombers
•50X Nanchang Q-5 Ground Attack Aircraft
•50X Shenyang J-6 Fighter Jets

Ground support would also be a heavy focus of the Air Campaign assisting the CPV and Pathet Lao to clear out possible valley defenses. The initial force of 160 Aircraft for the de facto CPV Air Force (CPVAF) were to be stationed in Luliang Air Base, Pu’er Airbase, and Wujiaba Airbase. |

| WESTERN COUNTERPART OF FIRST LIBERATION CAMPAIGN - 第一次解放运动的西方对应者 |
_{| Battle for Muang Sing:}

As smoke from the initial CPVAF strafing and bombing runs clouded the Panghai Border Crossing, 500 Pathet Lao flooded across the border checkpoint engaging any remaining Siamese border guards/military personnel. Behind this force were two CPV divisions making their way up the mountain roads. Communications units waited on the word of the Pathet Lao force for conditions and areas of Siamese resistance. The Pathet Lao were to push into the Muang Sing valley and create a deployment zone for the CPV to safely dismount its massive formation and flood into the city of Muang Sing.

_{| Battle for Luang Namtha/Muang Xai:}

This confrontation to take the major northern cities of Luang Namtha and Muang Xai were to be conducted by the 2nd, 5th, and 8th CPV divisions using the same tactics of the battle for Muang Sing with their now 750 Pathet Lao to conduct the screen and skirmish remaining Siamese forces. Once the border crossing was taken and the force pushed to the village of Natuey the force would split with the 2nd CPV Division turning west to march on Luang Namtha while the 5th and 8th CPV divisions turning east. Na Mor and Ban Co Noi were villages the force would need to fight through should there be resistance to reach Muang Xai. The 8th CPV division would need to pass through the mountainous terrain of the rural border crossing it was positioned to move through. Once in Laos the 8th CPV would push south through the countryside and meet with the 2nd and 5th near Namor.

| EASTERN COUNTERPART OF FIRST LIBERATION CAMPAIGN - 第一次解放运动的东部对应方 |
_{| Battle for Nhot ou district:}

Northeast Laos, a vast land of mountains and valleys like most of Northern Laos. The tactic of a initial Pathet Lao wave after the bombardment of Siamese border security facilities would continue to destroy any remaining Siamese force capable of hampering CPV crossing into the border. The Siamese forces at Lantouy crossing would face a wave of 500 Pathet Lao directly after airstrikes with the 3rd & 6th CPV Divisions following behind with armor and mechanized movement allowing swift deployment once across the border. The main objective of Nhot ou was still to be ~28 miles from Lantouy crossing with CPV and Pathet Lao needing to capture the villages and towns of: Ban Souanteng, Ban Xiengsiao, Ban Dongneng, Ban Nagnao, and then finally reaching Nhot Ou.

_{| Battle for Boun Neua:}

This was to be one of the most rural and difficult entrances due to its remoteness and dense hilly terrain, but with the other border crossings possibly being seen as much more major the crossing into Boun Neua was hoped to be rather uncontested till it reached the actual town of Boun Neua. The 7th CPV and its Pathet Lao company (Kan podpony Company) had to ensure there were no clusters of anti-armor capabilities between the 8.5 mile trek from the border to the town of Boun Neua. The Kan podpony Company and a CPV infantry regiment were to enter first through the mountain terrain and scout for any signs of anti-armor capabilities. Once this force reached the village of Ban Hom they were to order the rest of the CPV division to move into country and make their way to Ban Hom for the push onto Boun Neua.

”The revolutionary war is a war of the masses; only mobilizing the masses and relying on them can wage it. | 革命战争是群众的战争，只有动员群众，依靠群众，才能进行革命战争。| ສົງຄາມປະຕິວັດແມ່ນສົງຄາມຂອງມະຫາຊົນ; ພຽງ​ແຕ່​ປຸກລະດົມ​ມະຫາຊົນ​ແລະ​ອີງ​ໃສ່​ພວກ​ເຂົາ​ເຈົ້າ​ເທົ່າ​ນັ້ນ​ຈຶ່ງ​ສາມາດ​ເຮັດ​ວຽກ​ໄດ້.”

SERVE THE PEOPLE!

为人民服务!

26, رمضان 1391 | NOVEMBER 10TH, 1971
_{Islamabad, Pakistan}

 T H E  S I N O  D I P L O M A T S 

_{The Sino-Pakistani Relationship}

Throughout the ages, 
from the waters, 
the people of China and the people of Pakistan, were always:
God's Chosen Nations

- Zulfikar Ali Mohammed

The First Republic of Pakistan  ❁  پہلا جمہوریہ پاکستان

THE UNITED DIPLOMATIC VENTURE!

| In the recent development of the new conflict arsing in East Pakistan, and the invasion of the Indians on the mainland, has led to one of the most bloody wars in the historic records of Pakistan. The soldiers, while off to war, their counterparts, the diplomats, venture to find allies in this difficult pull period. The Pakistani Diplomat and prodigy, Aiza Baqri, ventures to the Chinese, an historic ally of Pakistan and an equally as hopeful nation as Pakistan. The two states have much in common, as within the Chinese Sphere of Influence, lay the morphing government of Pakistan, as the country slowly morphs itself into a stable united government and begin to unfurl a beautiful butterfly. The diplomats had reached a final agreement upon arrival; China would provide humanitarian aid towards Pakistan, if Pakistani Armed Forces did vice versa but instead to China, in the liberation of Laos. The Pakistani Aiza agreed, and soon, a relationship was born from a once limbo stagnate state, to a new multinational relationship between two states, molded by the world around them. The Unity of the two nations would insure victory not only in India, but in the justified liberation of Laos. The continued march into India has proved difficult, but with the help of China, the nation would be able to penetrate Indian forces.  |

THE UNITED PUSH INTO INDIA! - بھارت میں دھکا! - 進軍印度!

| As the dawn of Sino-Pakistani relations were created, the army prepared for a march into Delhi, not to annex India, only to create balance in the region once again! The army of Islamabad begins to build a new army, the new Army of the Interior! Now, the army, using the resources presented by the Chinese, became the backbone of the cause! The nation began to push, with a total of over 1,000,000 vengeance filled volunteers marching into India! The main issue that was presented in the invasion of India, being that the Indian military was better equipped than the Pakistani military, the generals had spent throughout the night. The generals had made the best possible plans that their minds could think of. So, the first attack on a border city begins. . .|

 A  C H A N G E  I N  T H E  M A I N L A N D 

the Peoples Republic of Pakistan  ☭  عوامی جمہوریہ پاکستان

THE DAWN OF A NEW REVOLUTION, INSTABILITY LEADS TO LIGHT - ایک نئے انقلاب کی صبح، عدم استحکام روشنی کی طرف لے جاتا ہے

| In the dawn of the Third Indo-Pakistani war, the homeland gains a new governmental prowess and influence which can surely never be overlooked, the government of the Peoples Party of Pakistan, a party which had been previously homing power and the march into the capital building. The revolution was quiet in the night, and was a non-violent revolution. The people simply took the capital building and proclaimed the new Peoples Republic. The flag of the party (modified to fit the Pakistani Flag, still, with the party's colors) was rose and as soon as this became the fact, the Chairman of the PPP, Khujand Ali, led the nation in a new direction. The government presented no changes to the ongoing conflict with India, in fact, it promoted it much more and soon, conscription in some provinces (now 'republics') had become required. Islamabad underwent numerous changes in the capital, as the city of Karachi becomes the forefront of Pakistani Armed Forces, and becomes the nations go-to capital for military. The navy begins to embargo Indian trade by blocking Indian trade routes across the Indian ocean (though proven difficulties have been presented as India is a peninsular subcontinent surrounded by profitable trading routes) the nation puts all of its focus on Delhi and march towards the capital using the help given from the Peoples Republic of China, and now Pakistan marches through the border and continues to advance closer to the Indian capital, and the new government lead is bound to assist in the ultimate goal: Win the War. |

١٩٧١, Dīsambar — December, 1971 

Aba Island Stadium, Main Street, Aba Island Township, White Nile Province (Mukata’et Al-Nahr Al-Abyad)

The Republic Of Sudan • جمهورية السودان

THE ISLAMISTS PURGED UNDER NIMIERY’S SOCIALIST STATE

Since Nimiery had, by some means, ceased power of the Sudanese Government in a long tactical politico game, aimed at shaking the stability and public confidence in government, then unseating the previously democratically elected Presidency of Benjamin Lwoki and his predecessors, by a simple act of emergency, that saw the Nimiery Government established as a mandate to restore democracy and rule of law to the Republic as a whole. However, the task of restoring democracy within three years had faced numerous obstacles and challenges, some of those speculated to be a deliberate act of sabotage by agents of the very same government trying to restore Sudan’s democratic legacy.

The communist insurrection of the previous year that challenged Nimiery’s mandate over the country, was the main highlight of the administration’s defense of the lack of progress, in paving the way towards a more stable election process by the 1973 elections, which appears closer to the coming of the new year. Nimiery argues that total order and stability had to be restored before elections could take place. As he had declared Communists and leftist radicalist sympathizers as enemies of the state, a political, social, and moral purge had to take place to vanquish the distributors of peace from Sudan. However the purges did not stop with the communists and those aligned along their values, Nimiery’s secularist and moderately socialist ideology, similar to what is exhibited in the Arab socialist revolutionary governments spread across the Arab world, Nimiery was influenced to take a more hardline stance on the Islamist Mahdi Ummah Party (MUP), effectively declaring war on the country’s politically religious figures, and other influential Islamists within the opposition government.

The MUP had been bogged down by internal Party struggle, in a rift formed between moderates seeking integration with the former Conservative coalition government, and the radicals who sought resistance against all forms of secular government. This division provided the perfect exploit for Nimiery to weed out competing opposition groups to his government, culminating in a handful of high-rank Islamist leadership finding themselves to be on the Purging Bloc, resulting in yet another horrifying event, in which Nimiery’s state intelligence, the SIRA, had carried out a series of covert assassination and mass casualty events against Islamist political figures and institutions, to which Nimiery had attempted to label them as the actions of communists, though to everyone, it was clear who was responsible, yet the lack of evidence and fears to challenge the Presidential Purge had left Nimiery’s policies and actions unwavering as they could be passed as conspiracy. The country’s sudden shift towards anti-Islamification under the guide of his Government had served to shake the Islamist voting bloc and political establishment, the MUP’s moderate leader, Hadi Al-Mahdi had been killed in the Purges, leaving his nephew, the radical Sadiq Al-Mahdi, who would be subsequently imprisoned by the new regime, under the charges of inciting violence and upholding religious supremacist ideology, that had been deemed unconstitutional, as it was seen in the same light as hate speech. Speculations are rising that the remaining Patriarchal heir to the Mahdi family might soon have to face exile from Sudan, or risk being killed like his uncle and other party leaders.

Perhaps not all wishes are meant to be true, for the Islamists who were eager to meet the new Nimiery Government, they would learn to regret those same wishes. Since his power grab, the MUP had been hailing him as the return of Islamic rule to the country after 6 years of the Lwoki Government’s disassociation from religious symbolism, in what many saw as catering to southern sensitivities. In a climate where they thought they could influence Nimeiry about Islamic government, they had come to see that the President wasn’t brought up in basic education of religious thought, he was indeed a Muslim by inheritance as some might say, but not one who had retained any strong loyalty to religious schools and sects, nor was he interested in implementing the will of Sharia and Theocracy on his country, going as far as to also show his destain for the Islamist in purging them, arresting them, and exiling them. The MUP wasn’t the only one to suffer the brunt of the Islamist purges, however.

The rise of the upcoming Islamist group named the Islamic Charter Front (ICF), led by a certain Hasan Al-Turabi, who’s tied to the Muslim Brotherhood organization sweeping the Middle East in conflict with Arab Socialist Regimes, would earn him a place on Nimiery’s purging list, however luckily for the 40-year-old Kassala Native, Al-Turabi would find himself imprisoned under the regime for similar charges of inciting violence, hate speech, and also foreign espionage. Though ironically as Islamists found themselves under attack by a government labeling them as a threat to the unity of the State, Nimiery would time and time again ignore and or fully on, vindicate the Arab Nationalist Parties and movements, who arguably bring up the same sense of identity superiority that could threaten the wary sense of unity with the South and West. Nimiery would also expose himself as a champion of the Arab Nationalist cause, fully subscribing to the ideology of Nasserism, as his Government continued to draw closer and closer relations with the Arab nationalist governments around Sudan. Under his regime, the exodus of Jews and Europeans back to Europe and or to Israel had risen, southerners expressed great concern about Arab incursion on southern-owned lands such as farms and grazing grounds, and urban workers had become worried about the lack of union and labor representation with the fears of being labeled a communist.

A nation that had long prided itself on the highest number of Quranic readers and Islamic teachings, had now been sent to the shadows to appease Nimiery’s vision of a moderate secular national socialist state. Hate crimes sponsored by Arab nationalist mobs against Jews and Europeans would begin to rise within Khartoum and Wad Medani, while the government continued to be sympathetic to the cause and struggles of the wider Arab world in Palestine and elsewhere. Above all, trouble was certainly brewing in the East, with the Communist East Eritreans currently harboring many communists that had been exiled from Sudan, and in the South where Idi Amin’s coup in Nilemba and the Congolese Civil war had provided South Sudanese politicians, like Joseph Lagu and Gordon Muortat Mayen, a stage to begin spewing anti-government rhetoric, accusing Khartoum of sliding into Arab nationalist dogma that may threaten the delicate balance of power.

———————————————
AL-NASRU LENA!
AL-NASRU LE SUDAN!
_{Written for the RMB Screen of the}
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
🦏

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KINGDOM OF NORWAY - KONGERIKET NORGE

25 July, 1971 - Oslo

-----------------------------------------
DRILLING BEGINS ON EKOFISK OIL SHELF
-----------------------------------------

The Ekofisk oil shelf. Norway’s golden ticket. The vast space of ocean extends for dozens of miles across the North Sea, only barely lying within Norwegian territorial waters. Norwegian oil companies, with permission from the upper echelons of the Norwegian government, have been given permission to launch major operations into the extraction of the massive oil field and all resulting natural resources. The beginning of production signifies a major milestone in Norway’s story with oil and there have been quiet celebrations across the country to mark the beginning of what could potentially be a lucrative chapter for the entire country. The estimated wealth that could be extracted could potentially number up to five hundred billion US dollars, with a great amount of the money set to be put into the country’s newly created government pension fund. The beginning of drilling by corporate interests been met with strong praise across the Norwegian political scene, with all major parties congratulating the experts and businessmen who have had to go to considerable lengths to get the project off there ground. Rumours have been circulating in Oslo that the establishment of a state oil company to handle all operations in Norwegian territorial waters is accelerating, with provisional plans already being put in motion. Analysts expect that the new company will be called “Statoil”, literally meaning in Norwegian “state oil”. Many within the government are already calling for a preemptive ban on all foreign companies operating within Norwegian territory, with the Conservative Party strongly pushing for legislation to enact this in the Storting.

A nationalist fervour has already began to develop among the general public surrounding the oil. Norway had long been a country that was, to put it best, impoverished and rural. Millions of Norwegians emigrated to the United States over the course of the 19th century in order to achieve better living standards than the often squalid ones that had to contend with at home. Norway was a nation of farmers and fishermen. Now it could become a nation of oil workers and businessmen. The impact on society the extraction of this oil will have cannot possibly be underestimated. The face of Norway shall be changed forever as wealth flows into all public sectors and the treasury continues to expand and grow. In the halls of power in Oslo, secretaries whisper that Norway could one day be the richest country in all of Europe. This wealth cannot and must not be stolen away. The Norwegian nation has been granted a blessing from the heavens and cannot let it go to waste. Greed is a dangerous emotion, and even more dangerous when it becomes the attitude and soul of a whole society. This is precisely what keeps Trygve Brattlei up at night. That a country that prides itself in adhering the the principles of Janteloven will spiral into a hyper capitalistic society where no one else in the world matters. Surely there is a middle ground? Can Norway be both egalitarian internationally and keep the wealth for itself, warding off foreigners like a dragon sitting on gold. There are certainly some who pray for this to become reality. For Norway to close itself off from the wider world and declare that it exists for itself, and itself only. Time will say what decisions Brattlei and his government come to make, though wether they will even be in power in a few years time is anyone's guess.

| V E R E N I G DㅤㅤK O N I N R I J KㅤㅤB E N E L U X
| "ㅤE E N D R A C H TㅤㅤM A A K TㅤㅤM A C H Tㅤ"

Een natie kan alleen floreren als zij
haar eigen burgers op de eerste plaats zet...

// 17 DECEMBER 1971, DONDERDAG
DEN HAAG, NEDERLAND //

A U D E N T E SㅤㅤF O R T U N AㅤㅤI U V A Tㅤㅤ:ㅤㅤT H EㅤㅤR I S E

ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ_{Holland emerged as a formidable force in the heart of Europe from the early 1960s, swiftly rebounding from the harrowing aftermath of the Second World War. The indomitable spirit of the Dutch populace lifted the war-ravaged nation into a modern powerhouse on the rise, as Holland reclaimed its prominence as a major player in the international political arena. The once unassuming skylines of key cities like Den Haag and Rotterdam transformed dramatically, embracing towering skyscrapers as symbols of newfound prosperity. Streets teemed with the influx of people and vehicles, as the nation's population quadrupled within a mere two decades, heralding the dawn of a revitalised, youthful Holland poised for greatness.}

_{Like a majestic pegasus soaring through the skies, the nation shed the lingering shadows of post-war tribulations, deftly sidestepping challenges such as the Walloon Troubles and the 1964 Banking Crisis, navigating its course of growth with meticulous planning, strategic economic initiatives, and a daring spirit that yielded fruitful rewards. Today, Holland stands as a beacon of development, a burgeoning exporter endowed with a robust economy anchored in services, manufacturing, and international trade. Giants like the Royal Dutch, Kieft, Philips, and Atlantis reign supreme in their respective domains, casting an aura of invincibility over the Dutch landscape.}

_{With remarkable growth comes a pressing need to keep pace. In just four years, Holland's population surged by five and a half million, whilst welcoming over one million guest workers from Europe and East Asia. To meet this surge head-on, significant investment was imperative, and Holland was poised for the challenge. In the ensuing years, Holland embarked on an ambitious endeavour to expand its infrastructure, particularly its railway network, which spanned the nation from north to south, east to west. This expansion amounted to a staggering 240%, with the national railway corporation, Nederlandse Spoorwegen, introducing state-of-the-art trains to serve even the remotest rural areas. A renaissance swept across the nation's public transport system, with rapid expansions witnessed in the bus and metropolitan train networks of five major cities: Amsterdam, Den Haag, Rotterdam, Brussels, and Groningen. Such growth unfolded at an unprecedented pace, signalling Holland's commitment to adapt and evolve alongside its burgeoning population.}

_{Another burgeoning aspect of Holland's identity lay within its defence industry and military capabilities. Formerly one of Europe's smallest armies up until the Second World War, Holland embarked on a transformative journey towards self-reliance in defence, rejecting reliance on NATO's goodwill in the face of potential foreign aggression. As anxiety reached new heights amid the Cold War, the looming spectre of a nuclear third world war haunted nations both east and west. Dutch generals, cognisant of this perilous reality, deemed it imperative to mobilise, ensuring readiness for any eventuality.}

_{In the ensuing years, through strategic acquisitions from France, the US, and the UK, alongside burgeoning domestic manufacturing, Holland's defence apparatus expanded exponentially. Once a modest maritime force easily overshadowed in warfare, Holland's navy underwent a remarkable evolution, emerging as a paragon of maritime defence boasting cutting-edge equipment and armaments. Proudly, it ascended to rank among the premier navies of the European continent.}

_{Similarly, Holland's ground forces, decimated by the war's ravages, underwent a comprehensive overhaul, bolstered by conscription, modernised vehicles, and strategic development addressing territorial vulnerabilities. Addressing a historical weak point, the air forces underwent a transformative process mirroring the advancements witnessed in the other two branches of the defence triangle. Supersonic aircraft, boasting both fighter and bomber capabilities, adorned the skies, accompanied by rigorous training programmes cultivating top-tier pilots.}

_{Urban sprawl has emerged as a ubiquitous phenomenon in Holland. Lands once dotted with insignificant outlying settlements now host the outer fringes of major cities, some even blossoming into distinct metropolitan regions. Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Brussels, and others witnessed unprecedented expansion driven by soaring birth rates, substantial immigration, and a pressing need for affordable housing. Along the historical quarters of major cities, ethnic enclaves sprung up, home to Chinese, Irish, Italian, Hispanic, and Slavic immigrants. Additionally, new banlieues sprouted on the outskirts, reflecting the diverse tapestry of Holland's evolving urban landscape.}

_{Yet, amidst this urban metamorphosis, one phenomenon stood out as truly exceptional: the birth of a planned city amidst rural Holland. Boetenbeek, a project hitherto unseen in Europe, emerged as a meticulously designed city from the ground up. Nestled in the Luxemburg Province, this once tranquil town of a mere forty thousand inhabitants, whose local economy revolved around steelmaking, was selected by city planners Arnold Bakker and Lodewijk van Roost from a pool of twenty potential sites. Since its inception, Boetenbeek has blossomed into a burgeoning metropolis, now home to 370 thousand residents. High-rise structures now dominate its skyline, symbolising the city's rapid evolution. In tandem with urban development, Holland adopted an unconventional approach to city planning. Unlike other nations prioritising cars, Holland placed pedestrians and cyclists at the forefront, garnering acclaim for its extensive network of bike lanes. This unique approach epitomised Holland's commitment to sustainable urban living, setting it apart on the global stage.}

_{Industry in Holland experienced rapid expansion, with various sectors of manufacturing witnessing remarkable growth alongside a surge in innovation and output. In the blink of an eye, Holland ascended to the coveted status of European innovation hub, spearheading advancements in automotive production, shipbuilding, and pharmaceutical manufacturing. With a burgeoning chemical, steel, and engineering sector, Dutch craftsmanship swiftly emerged as the gold standard in Europe. The label "Made in Holland" became synonymous with unparalleled comfort, durability, simplicity, and superior quality, garnering widespread recognition and acclaim across the continent.}

_{The growth trajectory of Holland since the end of the war has been nothing short of extraordinary. Transitioning from its years within the Benelux union to its reassertion as a sovereign state, Holland is currently witnessing its own Belle Époque within the 20th century. Despite its modest size, the nation has emerged as a formidable powerhouse, marked by unprecedented population and economic expansion. Holland's journey exemplifies a testament to resilience and unwavering dedication, propelling it towards a future brimming with promise and potential.}

_______________________________________________

_{Dit is een fictief stukje creatief werk voor}
de GEMENEBEST VAN FRIJHEID [ CoL ]
—

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SUDDEUTSCHE ZEITUNG
_{A Nation of Truth}

NATIONAL HEADLINE - SZ
PREPARATIONS FOR THE HISTORIC 1972 MUNICH SUMMER OLYMPICS UNDERWAY AS SCHOLL GOVERNMENT PREPARES TO ROLL OUT "GERMANY OF THE FUTURE"

| (MUNICH, DEC 1971) -- Preparations for the historic 1972 Munich Summer Olympics are now well underway and rapidly approaching its close as the Federal Republic of Germany prepares to host the Olympic Games for the first time since 1936. Munich, the largest city in the province of Bavaria, has seen a massive flurry of activity in recent months and years as the German government bankrolled massive infrastructure overhauls, the construction of new stadiums, apartment buildings, residences, parks and sports facilities, and the overhauling of Munich's historic public transportation network, all in preparation for the games. Willy Brandt's Social Democratic government had led the initial efforts to begin preparations shortly after Munich was selected as the host city. Incumbent Chancellor Sophie Scholl and her broadly center-left government are taking on the hosting of the Munich Summer Olympics as the defining inflection point of her so far shaky administration. While the Chancellor has enjoyed broadly high personal approval ratings, her government has struggled as moderates and progressives clash on various social and economic issues. After months of national debate over the proposed loosening of abortion restrictions, the government has since November worked to reorient the narrative to focus on Olympic preparations. |

| At the center of the massive preparation effort would be the Olympiapark, or the Olympic Park, based on architect Frei Otto's plans. Major competition sites include the Olympiahalle (Olympics Hall) and the Olympiastadion (Olympic Stadium), as well as a brand new Olympic Village build close to the park. Sweeping canopies of acrylic glass would be utilized across the various projects, marking a historic architectural and engineering departure. The local government of Bavaria as well as the city government of Munich also brought in private companies from across the country to help with the construction of an international broadcast center, media and press center, among other things. On 4 and 5 December 1971, Chancellor Scholl and top members of the government, including the Director of the Chancellery Sports and Academics Office ("Sport- und Studienamt des Kanzleramtes"), visited the developments in Munich. Standing before a crowd of construction workers and members of the press, the Chancellor spoke about her plans to use the Olympics to roll out a "Germany of the Future". She declared that the Olympics was a historic chance to bring the Federal Republic of Germany to the forefront of the global stage, especially in areas like tourism. "The Germany that thousands of people are working so hard to present to the world in the Olympics next year is the Germany of the future - a Germany that is ready to face the challenges of today and the challenges of tomorrow," Scholl said. Accompanying the Olympics year, the German government is supposedly expected to launch a diplomatic "offensive" designed to strengthen the country's economic and trade ties with partners across the world, particularly in Asia. |

| Crucially, the German government also understands the image conjured up by the idea of Germany hosting the Summer Olympics. The last time it was held in Germany was in Berlin in 1936, during the height of the Volkist regime. The event was then used as a propaganda boon for the autocratic government in Germany at the time, and the Scholl government is seeking to build the 1972 Olympics as a new start for Germany. The Ministry of Education has indicated that they plan to utilize some parts of the Games next year to commemorate the lives lost during the Second World War and educate the next generation of Germans about the importance of "the Olympics-esque brotherhood and unity" and "liberty and democracy". |

| In the Bundestag, the German political stage is broadly unified in support of Scholl's ambitious plans for the Olympic Games. Rainer Barzel, leader of the CDU, accompanied Scholl on her early December visit to Munich. Hans-Jochen Vogel, a Social Democrat and the Mayor of Munich, is at the forefront of the preparatory efforts. A young and ambitious rising star in the party, Vogel is staking his political future on the success of the Games. In regular speeches and events at the Olympic sites across his city, Vogel has repeated the same line - "Munich will be the doorway to the new Germany of prosperity and hope and equality". |

RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE

FRENCH BUREAUCRACY 

MINISTERE DE LA CULTURE

______

MINISTERE DE LA CULTURE: DE GAULLE'S GRAND CULT OF PERSONALITY
_{VTH REPUBLIC | PARIS, JANUARY 1972}

_{| BASTION OF CULTURE - | Charles de Gaulle, who moved back to his home town of Colombey-les-Deux Eglises after leaving the presidency in 1969 and is buried there, predicted that the village would become a national shrine after his death. He said, cynically, "grandeur will be sold in the form of small medals, little flags and crosses of Lorraine in nougatine after I am gone. This will be Lourdes after me." It was clear that many of De Gaulle's prophecies had come true as France commemorated the one year anniversary of his death last week. President Georges Pompidou attended a Mass at Notre Dame, while De Gaulle's widow and family attended a modest celebration in Colombey.}

_{Numerous streets and roads have been renamed in his honor, notably Paris's renowned Place de l'Etoile. Books on De Gaulle, such as Andre Malraux's Fallen Oaks, have sold over a million copies. An organization has gathered Charles de Gaulle's uniforms, watch, pen, cane, képis, infantry saber, manuscripts, speeches, and photos for an exhibit. A spectacular film named La France de Charles de Gaulle is now being recorded. A $1,000,000, 134-foot-tall marble cross of Lorraine at Colombey, which will be visible for 32 kilometers, is also being constructed by a National Memorial Committee. This new shrine to De Gaulle has already began to attract hundreds of members of the growing Gaullist personality cult. This cult is most noticeable at Colombey, which is 150 miles southeast of Paris and home to 477 people. The town priest, Father Claude Saugey, told the mayor following the burial of De Gaulle the previous year, "Well, Monsieur le Maire, we can now go back to our dull, humdrum lives again." Not really. Some estimates, maybe overstated, place the number of pilgrims who have made the pilgrimage to the general's off-white marble grave—where he rests next to his daughter Anne—at over one million. The crowds arrive bearing handmade crosses of Lorraine, flowers, and crude banners that read "Notre grand chef," "To our liberator," "Notre grand général," and other phrases such as "To our leader." They arrive in beaten Deux-chevaux, groaning farm carts, svelte Citroëns, via buses and hired trains.}

_{Their ritual is simple: a walk to the village church containing the De Gaulle family pew, then on to the grave site and from there, to the walled estate of La Boisserie, where De Gaulle's widow Yvonne still lives in virtual seclusion, and then back to the town. There old, nearly empty restaurants have suddenly become packed and new restaurants are springing up, along with hotels. Colombey's streets have been repaved, there is a new post office to handle demands for a special anniversary stamp, and a 1,200-car parking lot is being built. The visiting crowds can find 24-karat gold-embossed De Gaulle postcards, pencils and pens, key chains, ashtrays, even African stamps featuring the general's image at Chez Janine. De Gaulle chinaware and letter openers, De Gaulle inside a crystal ball surrounded by floating snow, De Gaulle busts, statuettes, books, records, cassettes, calendars, and various types of Lorraine crosses can be found at the curio shop of René Piot's father, the last villager to speak with the general. And indeed the general's prediction has come to pass with little nougatine candies molded in the likeness of the general himself being sold in shops all over Colombey. |}

______

VIVE LA RÉPUBLIQUE!

VIVE LA FRANCE!

VIVE L’EMPIRE!

_{𝐄𝐌𝐁𝐑𝐀𝐂𝐄 𝐅𝐑𝐀𝐍𝐂𝐄
𝐂𝐎𝐌𝐌𝐎𝐍𝐖𝐄𝐀𝐋𝐓𝐇 𝐎𝐅 𝐋𝐈𝐁𝐄𝐑𝐓𝐘}

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T H E   S L O V E N E   R E P U B L I C   •   S L O V E N S K A   R E P U B L I K A

Slovenia’s military postures as its politicians quarrel over how to respond to the ‘Yugoslavian Emergency’.

^{TO INTERVENE OR NOT TO INTERVENE
JANUARY 1972}

To the Slovene public, the total military catastrophe now unfolding in the People’s Confederation of Yugoslavia was genuinely unexpected. For years portrayed as a looming monolith by the Slovenian government and press, Tito’s hold over Yugoslavia had seemed unshakable. Now, with Croat insurgents threatening the creation of an ultranationalist state—itself virulently hostile toward Slovenia—a surprise was sprung on the people of the Republic indeed. The Yugoslavian Emergency (jugoslovanska izredna situacija, lit. “extraordinary Yugoslavian circumstances”), as it was called by Ljubljana, had begun.

Slovenia had been in a state of total military preparedness since August of last year, soon after Croat rebels began bombarding the city of Zagreb and began moving in earnest. The Slovene government had first determined to covertly make contact with these rebels, enemies of their enemy, but were harshly rebuffed. Slovenian support would be too much a Mephistophelian deal to the zealously anti-Slovenian Croat rebels, and so they continued in their fight against Belgrade alone. Nonetheless, the Croats had been making considerable progress. Their strategic encirclement and starvation of nearly 150,000 civilians and 20,000 Yugoslavian soldiers at Zagreb had been a chilling token of their resolve. President Angela Vode, domestically entangled in her effort to reduce the powers of her own office, nonetheless made sure to devote ample time to condemning them. “We hold no love for the regime in Belgrade,” went one address in September 1971, “but we cannot abide the starvers and butchers of this sickly Ustaša shadow.” The Slovenian Red Cross had offered aid to Zagreb during the siege; refugee camps cropped up along the border for any fleeing the conflict, no matter their origin. The Slovenian Foreign Ministry urged foreign nations to likewise support the civilians now under the storm of war.

Slovenian Chief of the General Staff Stane Potočar is said to be deep in the forest-hills of White Carniola, coordinating Slovenian Army logistics along the eastern border in support of the thousands of troops now massed in the towns along it. Slovenian military surveillance of the eastern border was well-established, but it now reached new heights, and jets of the Slovenian Air Fleet flew and flitted dangerously near to the border day and night. From a strategic perspective, this may be regarded as an attempt to draw Croat forces toward the Slovenian border and distract from their focus on the Yugoslavian front. However, whether it was truly so or merely an attempt by Vode to ward off any action against Slovenia—or even just, as officially stated, military training—it was a rare maneuver from a country with a famously small-scale and understated military that revered ‘quality over quantity’ as gospel. It would also have to be temporary unless full-scale intervention were to be decreed, for the Slovenian Army was not accustomed to operating at increased levels of strength indefinitely.

In the Slovene National Assembly, the government and opposition have already begun to spar over the situation. While the conservative opposition was initially supportive of President Vode’s condemnations of the Croat rebels, some have criticized Vode’s lack of more decisive action declaring it to be a failure of the duty of the President and that it could lead to confusion in the event of a serious emergency. The government, for its part, has declared that there is no need for public discussion and that Vode’s efforts to reduce presidential powers have placed a greater onus on the legislative government. “The entire government is behind the President in this matter,” 71-year-old Prime Minister Metod Kumelj further iterated, “and so is the National Assembly. We are prepared to take whatever action is necessary to ensure that the Republic is secure and human welfare is upheld, whatever that action may be.” The debate over the government’s response to the Yugoslavian situation is expected to continue for some time. Vode has certainly not ruled out intervention, though the Slovenian Foreign Ministry has kept an open offer for Croato-Yugoslavian arbitration.

_{S O C I A L I S T‎ ‎ ‎ R E P U B L IC‎ ‎ ‎ O F‎ ‎ ‎ R O M A N I A‎ ‎ ‎ •‎ ‎ ‎ ‎R E P U B L I C A‎ ‎ ‎ S O C I A L I S T Ă‎ ‎ ‎ R O M Â N I A}

Year of Celebration

_{Ianuarie 1972, Comitetul Central al Partidului Comunist Român, București, Republica Socialistă România}

_{January 1972, Central Committee of The Communist Party of Romania, Bucharest, Socialist Republic of Romania}

| Starting with the first month of the year, January 1972, preparations for the two most significant events in Romania this year have commenced: the 20th anniversary celebration of His Excellency Comrade Constantin Rotaru, General Secretary of The Communist Party of Romania, President of The Presidium of The Great National Assembly, President of the State Council, President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Supreme Commander of The People's Army, beloved and esteemed son of all Romanian people, the Genius of the Carpathians, the revered Conducător of the nation, leadership and the X Congress of the Romanian Communist Party. The anticipation for both occasions has been notable, with meticulous planning and arrangements marking the months leading up to May and November.

| For the 20th anniversary celebration of Constantin Rotaru's leadership, the groundwork has been laid for a grandiose event befitting such a milestone. Committees have been formed to organize various aspects of the celebration, including venue decoration, guest invitations, program scheduling and preparations for the anticipated Demonstration. TVR1 will be transmitting about Romania`s "Golden Age" under His Excellency throughout the day, while TVR2 will transmit the grand demonstration prepared for the Genius of the Carpathians on the 23 August Stadium. Constant communication, surveilance and coordination among party officials, organizers and citizens have ensured that every detail is attended to with precision and reverence.

| Simultaneously, the plans for the X Congress of the Romanian Communist Party have started in full swing. This crucial gathering, which will shape the future trajectory of the party and the nation, for the next 5 years has demanded extensive logistical planning and strategic deliberations.
Similarly, TVR1 and TVR2 will be tasked with broadcasting the achievements of the Socialist Republic of Romania through the Golden Age, the Rotaru era (1952-Present).

| One of the key elements of both celebrations has been the invitation of delegations from the Eastern Bloc and various other friendly nations. These invitations serve not only to honor the occasion but also to strengthen diplomatic ties and solidarity among socialist, and the various friendly states. The inclusion of these international guests adds a sense of significance and camaraderie to the festivities, highlighting Romania's openness to co-operation with the International Community.

_{| As the months progress, the momentum for these historic events continues to build, fueled by the dedication and commitment of organizers and participants alike. With each passing day, the anticipation grows, setting the stage for unforgettable commemorations in May and November. |}

_{E scris pe Tricolor unire! Pe roșu steag liberator! Prin lupte sub a lor umbrire, spre Comunism urcăm în zbor!
Trăiască Partidul Comunist Român în frunte cu al său secretar general, tovarășul Constantin Rotaru!}

_{Written for the RMB Screen of the}
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
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^{-- SOUTHERN RHODESIA --}

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^{JANUARY 1972}

^{|-| ECONOMIC STABILIZATION, MILITARY REFORM |-|}

^{Economic Movement
Despite three years of economic stagnation, the Rhodesian economy has begun moving in a positive trend following a series of political changes (namely the result of two friendly states now being present). Gas prices remain relatively high and rationing is in place for petrol, food, and other consumer necessities have become stable in their prices, and rationing has become phased out in many areas. Agricultural production has once again returned to its numbers in the late sixties, the heavy dip in production was the result of terrorist attacks and military actions within the nation, which has become much less frequent following the 1970 General Election. The election, which was the first of its kind for Rhodesia, saw results that heavily favoured Mugabe's ideological enemies, shaking his reputation and support due to a lack of campaigning (illegal for Mugabe) and a general rally around Nkomo's push for political reform. The economic ministry has predicted that while Rhodesia's economy may be stable it relies heavily on the outside market for much of its items and the willingness of corporations to use illegal methods for Rhodesia's trade. Additionally, if South Africa and Nyasaland were to abide by sanctions or fall to communism, it's likely that Rhodesia's economy would completely collapse.}

^{Regardless of the situation, the economic changes are well-welcomed by the nation and the current administration. Funding reduced to meet economic demands will now begin to be put back in place and the nation's industries can begin to grow once again, something heavily fueled by funding allocated to keeping businesses afloat during the period of economic stagnation.}

^{Military Reform
While it's no secret that Rhodesia's military has a few elephants, the addressing of it has been rather taboo in the political scape of Rhodesia, both in public and the confines of the nation's legislative chambers. The 1970 General Election broke a lot of barriers and opened a lot more discourse in the nation, including in the military. In the opening of 1972, Nkomo's ZAPU party gave a series of speeches and proposals regarding the military, from segregation to the roles of Africans in the officer corps, no corner was left unchecked. Negotiations for military reform in parliament began around January 5 and ended only recently with an agreement between both parties. In the coming April, Africans will no longer be in segregated corps (though the African Rifles will continue to exist), low-level officer ranks will no longer be restricted, support roles and civilian jobs will be open to all, and officer training will be opened. Nkomo also managed to negotiate the fate of surrendered African fighters. In return for their freedom or to avoid the death penalty, fighters would serve in a public works program nationally, building roads, and railways, repairing infrastructure, and even simple jobs such as working on farms or in stores. The move is hoped to generate income with little cost. The Smith administration's willingness to implement this is not out of sympathy, however, but out of hope for a return in the investment.}