Commonwealth of LibertyBoard

SHŌWA 45 | AUGUST 1970
理髪店帝国


BARBERSHOP EMPIRE

 L U X U R Y    B A R B E R 

 オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり 

O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly!

OSAKA, OSAKA — EVENING
_{OSAKA PREFECTURE, Nippon-Nihon}

| With money scarce and hairstyles getting longer, many men take time between haircuts. In some cities, barbers say their business is down between 25% and 50%. However, barbers’ problems seem small when compared to those of barber chair manufacturers. It was a cozy industry for many years; Several national companies saw their profits grow, constantly selling around 10,000 chairs a year to the 100,000 American barbershops. Then, in 1957, with the establishment of Osaka’s Takara Belmont Co. in the United States, a classic Japanese takeover began. Takara’s copying skills were so deft that a kind of Japanese record for daring was set. Its first models were almost exact copies of chairs produced by the leading American manufacturer, Chicago’s Emil J. Paidar Co. The parts were interchangeable. Therefore, if chair parts broke, Takara simply purchased replacement parts from Paidar, eliminating the need for expensive shipping or an even more expensive service network. |

| In addition to selling its chairs for 20% to 30% less than American chairs, Takara introduced a concept of planned obsolescence. New models are now released every 18 months. As a result, the firm’s chairs are often more advanced than anything the competition has. Takara’s latest model, sold in the United States for $1,000, is the ultimate in tonsorial care. It has a wraparound shape and a hydraulic system that automatically raises the seat and carefully lowers the backrest for massages or hot towel treatments; while clients’ hair is cut, an electrical system in the chair massages their back and calves. The firm’s salespeople boast that their chair is only for a king. Two users of the chairs are Emperor Hirohito, who has one in the Imperial Palace, and King Bhumibol of Siam. Takara holds 70% of the American market and earns $25 million worldwide. It inaugurated an assembly plant in Somerset, New Jersey, last year and acquired the Koken Companies, Inc.’s barber chair subsidiary. Currently, there is only one major American-owned manufacturer left: Paidar. The firm once held 70% of the market, but is now so troubled that President RICHARD NIXON gave it government assistance. |

| Takara’s head is HIDENOBU YOSHIKAWA, 70, having founded the firm 49 years ago. A devout Buddhist, Yoshikawa says that all of his business ideas are conceived, including entering the American market, during his daily periods of prayer. Takara’s $1,000,000 “Beautilion” at the Osaka World Expo is a pile of steel tubes and rounded capsules, reflecting YOSHIKAWA’s extravagant sense of promotion. 48 lotus leaf-shaped barber chairs lift visitors nearly nine feet into the air to view a display projected onto the ceiling; the melancholy soundtrack incorporates YOSHIKAWA’s voice in prayer. Although he is almost bald, YOSHIKAWA never fails to go to the barber, who trims the rest of his hair and gives him a massage. |

THE WINDS OF CHANGE...

August 1, 1970
Vientiane, Laos Province, Kingdom of Siam

| The air was oppressively thick, even in the ornate office of Phoui Sananikone, as Laos Province sweltered through the middle of its wet season. A fan spun rapidly and hummed as the Governor read over a report from the garrison at Muang Het, who had just held off their second incursion from the PAVN in three months, this one far less confidently than the first it seemed. |

| The inaugural Governor of the 'Laos Province' formed following the Siamese invasion of 1967, Phoui, former Prime Minister of the now-defunct Kingdom of Laos, was highly popular, having been born into an aristocratic family and served various roles in the Royal Lao Government, before it was overthrown by the communist Pathet Lao. Somewhat reluctantly joining the Siamese collaborationists following the Pathet Lao coup and resulting Civil War - he'd sooner put a handgun in his mouth than support communists - Phoui had done his best to help combat the communists in the eastern reaches of Laos, while not squeezing his people dry of resources in doing so. Chief among his proudest achievements in this mission was convincing King Rama IX not to enact conscription among Laotians, arguing this would only turn favour further against the intervention in both Laos and Vietnam, and risk more soldiers deserting and defecting. |

| As Phoui pored over the frightening casualty figures in the report before him, there was a thump on the door, and before he could draw himself from the report and ask who it was, a voice he had heard a few times over the phone, and only once in-person, spoke from the other side of the door. |

| Rama IX, King of Siam: | "Phoui, I hope we are not interrupting anything. May we come in?"

| The Governor paused, fully recognising the voice after a moment but surprised that it would be here, this far from the heartland. He gripped his desk before standing at attention. |

| Phoui Sananikone, Governor of Laos Province: | "...Y-Your Majesty! Please, come in!"

| With that, the King entered the office, flanked by a stocky man who, like Phoui, was decorated with several military honours upon his breast. Phoui didn't fully recognise him, but had a feeling he had seen the man before. The duo sat at the chairs across from Phoui's, and Phoui sat back down too. |

| Rama IX, King of Siam: | "Phoui, this is Vang Pao. Vang, Phoui Sananikone, Governor of this fine province."

| Vang smirked slightly and bowed his head. From his appearance Phoui could tell he wasn't Lao, but as the King mentioned his name, his eyebrows raised slightly. |

| Phoui Sananikone, Governor of Laos Province: | "Vang Pao...Major General of the Royal Lao Army during the Civil War?"

| Major General Vang Pao: | "The same. And now Major General of the Royal Siamese Army."

| Phoui Sananikone, Governor of Laos Province: | "Oh...my congratulations to you."

| Major General Vang Pao: | "I thank you. Your Majesty?"

| The King nodded, clasping his hands together, and looked into Phoui's eyes. |

| Rama IX, King of Siam: | "...Yes, well, I thought it best to...do you the courtesy of delivering this news to you in-person, rather than over the phone."

| The Governor shifted slightly, both at the eye contact from his sovereign, and the tone of his voice. Vang's smirk seemed to widen. |

| Phoui Sananikone, Governor of Laos Province: | "...News from Krung Thep, Your Majesty?"

| Rama IX, King of Siam: | "In a manner of speaking...yes. Phoui...I thank you for your service as Governor of Laos Province over the past three and a half years. But I am here to tell you that you are relieved of your duty."

| Phoui's eyes widened, and he sat there, stunned and silent for a moment. |

| Phoui Sananikone, Governor of Laos Province: | "...Y-Your Majesty? I...I don't understand. I have performed to my utmost in my capacity as Governor, I-"

| Rama IX, King of Siam: | "In your capacity, yes. I understand. But I fear you have been too...hmm...soft, Phoui. You have been like a patient mother to your fellow Lao, and perhaps that was needed when your people were first liberated by mine. But Laos needs a firmer hand, one that will guide her to a stronger future. And I believe Vang here is that firmer hand."

| Phoui's eyes widened further, and he looked to Vang, whose smirk was wider than ever. He understood now. Vang was not Lao, not among the ethnic majority of what was once the nation of Laos, now the province. Vang was Hmong, a historically oppressed minority whom the Lao had committed genocide against. |

| Phoui Sananikone, Former Governor of Laos Province: | "I...I understand, Your Majesty...shall I pack up my things?"

| Rama IX, King of Siam: | "Yes...you will have 48 hours to vacate the premises. We will leave you be."

| Phoui bowed his head as the King left, Vang flashing Phoui a final smug grin before following the King out. A light, warm rain had begun to fall, and Vang extended an umbrella over the King's head as the two began to walk towards the waiting car. Vang opened the rear left door for the King, who turned to him. |

| Rama IX, King of Siam: | "Vang...garner more support for the war effort here...ensure we and the Americans watch Ho Chi Minh hang...and your people shall have the homeland they have been denied by the Lao for so long."

| Major General Vang Pao, Governor of Laos Province: | "It will be done, Your Majesty."

| The King looked into his new Governor's eyes for a moment, then nodded in approval at the conviction he saw in them, before getting into the car. Vang closed the door behind him and saluted as it began its journey to the airport, before turning to the Governor's Palace...what would soon be his new home. |

| AUGUST | SANZA YA MWAMBE |

| 1970 |

DRC ★ DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
RDC ★ RÉPUBLIQUE DÉMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO  |

PRESIDENT MOBUTU OVERSEES THE ESTABLISHMENT OF EDZ AND SMEI :
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT ZONES {EDZ} AND STRATEGIC MUNICIPALITIES OF ECONOMIC IMPORTANCE {SMEI} ESTABLISHED ACROSS THE CONGO TO ALLOW FURTHER LOCAL INITIATIVE TO DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC!
PRESIDENT MOBUTU AZO SUIVEZ ESTABLISHMENT YA EDZ NA SMEI :
BA ZONES YA DEVELOPPEMENT ECONOMIQUE {EDZ} NA BA MUNICIPALITÉS STRATÉGIQUES YA IMPORTANCE ECONOMIQUE {SMEI} ESI ETABILÉ NA KONGO PO NA KOTIKA LISUSU INITIATIVE LOCAL PO NA DEVELOPPEMENT YA RÉPUBLIQUE!

| THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT ZONES - BA ZONES YA DÉVELOPPEMENT ECONOMIQUE |

 - Kinshasa Economic Development Zone [KEDZ] | Zone ya Développement économique Kinshasa [ZDÉK] - Provinces within: Bas-Congo, Kinshasa, Bandundu

 - Equatorial Economic Development Zone [EEDZ] | Zone ya développement économique équateur [ZDÉÉ] - Provinces within: Équateur, Orientale

 - Kivu-Lakes Economic Development Zone [KLEDZ] | Zone ya Développement économique ya Kivu-Mabeke [ZDÉKM] - Provinces within: North Kivu, South Kivu

 - Central Economic Development Zone [CEDZ] | Zone Katikati ya Développement économique [ZKDÉ] - Provinces within: Kasaï-Occidental, Kasaï-Oriental, Maniema

 - Shaba Economic Development Zone [SEDZ] | Zone de développement économique ya Shaba [ZDÉS] - Provinces within: Shaba

| STRATEGIC MUNICIPALITIES OF ECONOMIC IMPORTANCE - MUNICIPALITÉS STRATÉGIQUES YA IMPORTANCE ECONOMIQUE |

| Kinshasa, Kinshasa

| Matadi, Bas-Congo

| Banana, Bas-Congo

| Bandundu, Bandundu

| Mbandaka, Équateur

| Kisangani, Orientale

| Kindu, Maniema

| Goma, North Kivu

| Bukavu, South Kivu

| Kanange, Kasaï-Occidental

| Mbuji-Mayi, Kasaï-Oriental

| Lubumbashi, Shaba

| Likasi, Shaba

| Kolwezi, Shaba

| Kalemie, Shaba

| Kikwit, Bandundu

| Bumba, Équateur

| Bunia, Orientale

| Lodja, Kasaï-Oriental

| An intense drive to develop the Congo has always been a strong ideological goal of President Mobutu. The Democratic Republic of The Congo is one of the most vast nations within the continent and its geography and environments were not advantageous to modern development goals. The vast jungles and marshland hindered road and rail developments. A secondary issue to this is the ease that rebels are able to disappear into the bush of the Nation, a headache for the National Security Forces. The Central government decided to allow local initiative to build the interior of the nation with the formation of Economic Development Zones (EDZ). These EDZ will be headed by twenty men who make up the Development Board and all appointed by Mobutu personally. These Boards will be allowed to host foreign intellectuals, businessmen, and politicians to advise in the development of their EDZ. Each EDZ will be required to hold bi-annual meetings for locals to come and discuss issues of infrastructure and security concerns directly to the board. This will promote local involvement in development and assist in building a national identity through involvement in local government. |

| While the boards look at the grand scheme of a Zone development (with approval by President Mobutu) the Central Government and Party have decided that certain areas are to be prioritized and the focus of the Central Government. These are the Strategic Municipalities of Economic Importance (SMEI) which will be under the control of the National Development Board headed by the President. This board will focus on the building of transit infrastructure between these urban/growing municipalities to be the start of a diverse transport network to allow people, goods, materials, and the military to be swiftly moved through the Congo. President Mobutu claims that this program's first phase will see each of these municipalities connected by paved road, rail, air, and water. Paved modern highways would be promised to connect each municipality alongside rail connections, small to large airports based on the size of the municipality, and safe built up river ports to assist in river travel especially along the Congo River. The NDB is made up of thirty men and like the EDZs would be able to bring foreign experts to advise the Board on policy, but unlike the EDZs the NDB will not be required to hold citizen conferences for input. |

PEACE-JUSTICE-WORK!

PAIX-JUSTICE-TRAVAIL !

The Three Princes

| Scene I, Act III |
| On the front foot of Reform |

______________
_{September, 1970}

By September of 1970, President Balewa was much more optimistic about the years ahead, with the ousting and downfall of his closest rival during the April Crisis and managing to consolidate his own powerbase in the influential and powerful Ministry for Finance and Commerce, placing a rising star in Mathew Mbu to head the Ministry and to place former general of the Nigerian Army during the early years of the NRF in 62 and 63, T O S Benson, as the new Senior Minister for Foreign Affairs. Unlike Azikiwe, Mbu did not have the experienced backing to challenge the Presidency, as of yet, but to Balewa’s eyes, he could be the next in line to rival his rule. But for now, the President needed to keep his strongest and most senior allies closest to him, and Mbu was one of them, if not the most influential of them all. But a challenge to his Presidency was maybe not to come inside the party, but outside in Gowon’s Nigerian Renewal Party. Whatever it stood for, it was a threat which was a completely different entity than Azikiwe. Not only was he outside the party, but Yakubu portrayed even greater influence within the military ranks and the media itself and so was not as simple as simply sacking him when the time came, such was for the former Finance minister’s rapid demise.

An economy recovering, slowly, but recovering nonetheless perhaps didn’t place Gowon on the backfoot, but kept him in his place in the pecking order of the political elite. For the sake of popularity and keeping the NRP quiet, he needed an economy growing at a quicker rate, even if his approval ratings had improved throughout the September and October months. He would open up the Assembly earlier than usual in a bid for a large swath of legislative victories, aiming to focus on social reforms on gender, education and protection of rights. With a much more supportive and loyal party in the fall-out of the April Crisis, the President would announce a new set of constitutional adjustments focusing on;

Right to Free Education at a Primary and Secondary Level
Right to Equal Pay between men and women.
Right to the Freedom of Religion and Religious Prayer.
Protection against any gender, racial or age-related discrimination.
Establishment of the Nigerian Supreme Court as an upper body of protecting rights and hearing judicial cases from the public.
Right to a free trial with the establishment of the Judicial Protection Body, which will offer public funds to individuals taking a case to the Supreme Court.

Supported by the vast majority of Assemblymen across the isles, any constitutional amendments, that being all bar the creation of the Supreme Court, would need 2/3 of the Assembly in support. Fortunately the measures put in place by Balewa were not only popular amongst most of the parties bar a few dissidents in the Christian party, but was always going to popular with the public. Passing through with 537 AYE and 13 NAY, the President now looked forward with a boost in the polls and much more popular amongst the NDP. But despite this, the President still wanted to make further reforms, although this time concerning more economically-inclined reforms. While more risky than the amendments passed previously due to having no financial attachment bar the JPB, if he was to win a second term for 1973, Balewa was determined to take advantage of his large parliamentary majority and support from other parties. While the NDP were a big tent party leaning to the right merely due to the economic liberalisation policy and favouring a moderate and more progressive form of social conservatism, Balewa’s key allies were perhaps more inclined to move on more left-leaning reforms such as free university education and the introduction of devolution.

In his second wave of wide-ranging social reforms, the NDP announced 3 separate bills to head through during the late November window in a long-standing session of debate, squabbling, delaying and eventually, voting. The 3 bills on display the General Assembly were;

Free Education Bill - A bill which guarantees that higher education, or university education, will be free of charge and instead see government and local businesses make investments to pay the cost of this.

State Rights Protection Bill - A bill which will set up a referendum in the states of Northern Nigeria, Western Nigeria, Eastern Nigeria, Mid-Western and Biafra region over the creation of a Regional Assembly with the subsequent creation of a Regional Premier.

Federal Devolution of Powers Bill - A bill, with the need of the State Rights Protection Bill to pass, will offer some devolution powers to regional governments. All regions will offered some powers concerning local budgets and some control of social policy, education and healthcare.

The aim of the bills was to decentralise power from the central government in both a bid to empower loyalists who had remained sidelined since the NDF’s victory last year and to increase the popularity of the party and government. While much of the cabinet and party supported all 3 of the bills, Balewa himself was cautious of giving away too much power regions, for which had been one of the factors for the 7-year long civil war. However, if he gave too little, the regional governments would merely act as political blockades for implementing policy rather than a proactive government able to deal with more regional and local issues.

By the end of the session on the 29th September, all 3 bills entered statue and the President would close the assembly for 7 days in preparation for it’s reopening and yearly address in December. Following the success of the two waves of wide-ranging and to an extent, progressive reforms, he would announce the regional elections of both the regional assemblies and Premiers to take place in June, 1971 and would turn to 1973 as the fixed election date, to the same dates of the parliamentary and presidential elections taking place that year.

A success nonetheless for Balewa and his government. While not an attack on Gowon, it was smoke and mirrors offering the NDP and the Nigerian government much-needed time to spur the economy on and prevent the continued rapid climb of the NRF. The battle for Kingship looks to slowly move back into the grasp of the President.

★ ＵＮＩＴＥＤ ＡＲＡＢ ＲＥＰＵＢＬＩＣ ★

"Fear is, I believe, a most effective tool in destroying the soul of an individual - and the soul of a people."
ANWAR EL-SADAT

_________________

_{𝐎𝐍𝐄 𝐇𝐔𝐍𝐃𝐑𝐄𝐃 𝐌𝐈𝐋𝐋𝐈𝐎𝐍 𝐎𝐑𝐏𝐇𝐀𝐍𝐒
^{SEP 1970 - UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC}}
_{"God Almighty, have mercy on Gamal and take him to Your paradise. He has devoted his whole life to us and to the entire Arab nation. peaceful soul, return to, your God reassured. Be one of my faithful and enter paradise." There was a distinct silence that dawned upon the usually bustling metropolis that is Cairo in the early hours of morning. The masses of the United Arab Republic awoke to the gravest of news, the knight of Arabism, the liberator who threw off the chains of imperialism, the educator who taught the Arabs to fight, he was gone. The beating heart of the Arab world stopped beating.}

_{Over 6 million citizens from all across the United Arab Republic, from Benghazi and Tripoli, from Alexandria and Aswan, poured onto Cairo to take part in the last cry for their leader. The United Arab Republic refused to believe that its leader was dead, perhaps a rouse perhaps a nightmare, but it was instead the despairing reality. Millions chanted for the President, "Nasser will never die!", commonly heard across the districts of Cairo, rich and poor alike, men and women. Crowds outpoured their grief openly and without shame, the worst fate that could have befallen them had already came, what their was to hide anymore?}

_{The death of Nasser served as a reality slap to the leadership in the National Progressive Party, the initiation of the Mass Revolution and the creation of the NPP had brought over a euphoric sense of progress not observed since the unification of the United Arab Republic, however in the wake of this euphoria the glaring issues that were at hand still were not solved. The death of Nasser had the effect of once again exposing these problems back to the surface. The most pressing question in the wake of the President's death was succession.}

_{Per the constitution, the Vice-President, currently Anwar el-Sadat, would take over as acting President. However questions arose over whether Sadat should continue as the President or if another should be nominated as the new President. The question of leadership mostly fell across three spectrums, the leftist-socialist current which supported former General-Secretary Ali Sabry, tactically supported by the man that ousted him General-Secretary Khalid Muhyi al-Din, a rightist current that supported the rehabilitation of former vice-president Zakaria Muhyi al-Din, and a third more moderate current led by General Fawzi - current Minister of Defense - that supported Sadat's bid for presidency.}

_{For the time being, Sadat will be instituted as the President for the time being until a new candidate could perhaps make his way into power. A 40 day mourning period has already been declared, with many still in deep grief over the death of the great leader. Even within the top leadership, Sadat, Aly Sabry, and Mu'mmar al-Gaddafi have all suffered fainting during the funeral due to grief. Such is the effect of a giant of history.}

| Jaguar-1A1 |

[ Joint Military Base: Brasília, Brazil ]

| August, 1970 |

| The time allotted to the military for the project concerning the Jaguar battle tank was fairly lengthy, as the company was involved in the designing and production. Engesa, the company selected for the contract, was ready to unveil the first of the Jaguar tanks for inspection of the chief of staff and Frederico himself. Currently, Federico and other members of his cabinet were standing underneath a pavilion-like building. Waiting for the tank to arrive at the testing range, as the designers and creators wanted the design to be a surprise for the president. Minutes passed before the growl and hum of a tank motor got closer and closer, causing those present to turn their eyes to the dirt and gravel road leading towards and past the building. A very impressed smile crossed Frederico’s face when the tank finally came into view, the chassis of the tank itself was not massive by comparison to the American tanks, but it appeared well armored and well built. Much like the rest of the chassis, the turret was not too big either and was more of a flat rounded shape as the main cannon jutted out from the front. Staring at the tank, he admired that it had a rugged and more streamlined approach while still being able to maintain a very mean look to it. The tank rumbled past them as it turned towards the resting range, allowing the king to look down at the information pamphlet the designers had given him. Staring back up at the tank, he and those with him would watch as it went about its initial tests. Maneuverability and speed being the first tests, which given its size was nothing too insane. Luckily the President was realistic, and he knew that they wouldn’t have a tank that could go eighty or more kilometers per hour. Despite that, the maneuverability of the tank was impressive and even off of a main road it kept relatively good speed. The more he saw, the more Frederico was beginning to love the idea of the Jaguar as the new main battle tank of the Brazilian Army.

Ultimately, the decision would fall to him if the tank would be approved for adoption into the Brazilian Army, or if it would fall to the wayside. Looking up from the pamphlet, he would watch with wrapped attention as the tank went into its various gunnery testing stages. A smile seemingly etched itself into Frederico’s face as the main cannon roared when fired, sending a 125mm round down range and impacting into the armor of the M48 Patton that was being used for target practice. The round had punched through the side plate of the tank, as a small fire erupted from left over fuel within the decommissioned vehicle. A laugh escaped Frederico, clapped his hands at such a magnificent showing of the tank and its capabilities. While he could not foretell the future, he believed that this tank could be the next standard for Latin American tanks to build off of. At the very least, it could be a tank that other nations build their own designs off of. Following the roar of the cannon was the heavy chatter of the 12.7x108mm gun on top of the turret for the commander to use, all of which in case of an emergency or in the support of infantry troops. Looking away from the testing, Frederico would sign his signature on the paper for the approval of the tank itself. Even the designers themselves were not paying attention when he signed the paper, as all of them were enraptured as they watched the tank do its gunnery testing. Needless to say, Frederico did not interrupt any of them as he himself returned to watching the tank as well. A satisfied smile on his face and pride in his eyes, as he saw the future of Brazil in this tank and its production. Amongst many other things to come, as the sky was truly the limit for all of them. A new type of beast had arrived on the American continent, The ‘Jaguar’. |

January 1970
_Politics

SOCIAL DEMOCRAT BRUNO KREISKY ELECTED PRESIDENT OF ALPENLAND

DER SOZIALDEMOKRAT BRUNO KREISKY WIRD ZUM PRÄSIDENTEN DES ALPENLANDES GEWÄHLT
LE SOCIAL-DÉMOCRATE BRUNO KREISKY ÉLU PRÉSIDENT DE L'ALPENLAND
IL SOCIALDEMOCRATICO BRUNO KREISKY ELETTO PRESIDENTE DELL'ALPENLAND
SOCIALNI DEMOKRAT BRUNO KREISKY IZVOLJEN ZA PREDSEDNIKA ALPSKA
—

BERN
_{CAPITAL CITY OF THE ALPINE REPUBLIC}

| For a fourth time since the founding of their republic, the citizens of Alpenland would prepare to vote on who would represent them and their government to the world. Public squares, town halls, and community centers across the Alps from Geneva to Vienna would buzz with lively political debates, rallies, and campaigns. When the day would finally come they would eagerly cast their votes with a profound understanding of the significance of their choices. Peering down at their ballots, voters would have dozens of candidates to choose from for every level of federal office. |

| In Alpenland’s past, three major parties had been at the forefront of the political world. The Free Democratic party had seen the most success of them, with its predecessors in former Switzerland and Austria having been in power for the 20 years after the end of WWII. It would represent the centrist traditional liberal views of the Alps. However in recent years, the Free Democratic party had seen a large-scale decline, with polls indicating they had lost nearly half of their support which had been split between the left-wing Social Democrats and right-wing Christian Democrats. This decline could be attributed to Alpenland’s most recent president Hans Schaffner’s perceived reluctance to support any sort of change to the status quo. |

| And so the election of 1970 would come down to only two realistic options: |

| The Christian Democratic People's Party had been a well-established faction in Switzerland, and had merged with the Austrian People’s Party to become the go-to center to center-right party of Alpenland. Ludwig von Moos had been chosen as the presidential candidate. He had been elected Landeshauptmann, or governor, of the small, mountainous state of Obwalden in 1966, and had captured the nation’s attention with his unique speeches on popular political topics. His base of conservative rural and middle-class families would form nationwide support, but many would question if his qualifications would be enough for the presidential office. |

| The Social Democrats of Switzerland and Austria had also quickly joined forces as the progressive, left-wing party of the nation. A still enthusiastic Bruno Kreisky would be taking the Social Democratic Party’s presidential ballot space for the fourth time in the row. He had been the obvious pick due to his working-class background which had drawn him to the party at age 15 and his experience on the Austrian presidential cabinet. A practicing Jew, Kreisky had escaped the holocaust to Stockholm and had returned to rebuild the government of his home country. He had been chosen for a seat in the first cabinet of Alpenland formed in 1958. While in office, he had made promises of sweeping housing reform, transportation, and increased representation of Alpenland on the international stage, which he had claimed were only being held back by low support in other parties in the National Council. |

| Voter turnout in 1970 would be 92%, beating 1958’s 91% as the highest in Alpenland’s history. |

RESULTS
_{A SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC VICTORY}

| With 46% of the vote, up from 35% in 1966, Bruno Kreisky would win the presidential race over Ludwig von Moos’ 44% and the Free Democratic Party’s 8% (2% would vote for others, such as the Communist Party). The election of 1970 would mark the largest single party in Alpenland ever, only being a few seats away from an absolute majority in the National Council. Part of Kreisky’s success would be his promises. Millions of supporters had been disappointed with previous governments’ non-responses to major world issues, such as the Yugo-Slovenian crisis that had developed right on Alpenland’s border, and would hope Kreisky would handle things differently. This would mark yet another step away from absolute neutrality, which had been embraced for the past 12 years in Alpenland, and had gone back centuries in the preceding Helvetic Republic. The election of 1970 would be a historic one, especially with it being at the dawn of a new decade. The 1970s would be the dawn of a new era in Alpenland. |

UPDATED GOVERNMENT FACTBOOK COMING SOON

SEPTEMBER , 1970
Malaysia's Newest Chinatown

| As part of the National Security & Development Program to handle the current predicament of the Malaysian Emergency. Multiple "new towns" were built across the country, with people from pre-existing towns and cities in the north being relocated into the southern end of the country on peninsular Malaysia, meanwhile on the Borneo part of the country, people were moved away from the Sarawakian east into the western portion of Borneo Malaysia. |

| One of these "new towns" is Kampung Baru Bagan, which is located in Bagan; which is a federal constituency in the North Seberang Perai District in the state of Penang. Kampung Baru Bagan is one out of fourteen, new towns built under the plan. However Kampung Baru Bagan is its official name given to it by the local Penang government. Locally it is known as Kejiayuan (客家園), meaning; guest (客)–homestead (家園). |

| Kejiayuan sits as a recent cultural marvel in Penang. Not due to its Chinese cultural heritage, as Penang has always been a state with the highest demographic of ethnic Chinese. But due to how Kejiayuan presents its culture, in its architecture. The infrastructure, while funded by both the Penang and Malaysian government. The actual labour and architects were done by the relocated people themselves, with little help from professionals. A township that was accidentally set up to fail on the long term. |

| However the resulting architecture were described by journalist, who were gathering information on these new towns as:

" Varied. Depending on where in Kampung Baru Bagan, you are in. "

Pictures taken and written descriptions given are that in the center of Kejiayuan, buildings were built out of either: bricks, stone or rammed earth. These buildings are also characterised as:

" One or two storey mixed commercial-residential building (shophouses) with a roof clad in curved tiles. Each storey is three to four meters tall, the roof has a upward-curving ridge shaped like the tail of a swallow. The degree of the curving is very slight. The "swallowtail" in question can be single or double-layered. Some buildings would be painted, pink and white in colour. "

However the further out you go from the town's center, less buildings built out of bricks, stone and rammed earth are and more buildings built out of wood become common. However along the coastline, some buildings have roofs made out of Oyster shells as when questioned the locals answered with:

" The use of oyster shells helps the building become more resistant to wild changes in temperature, accumulation of rainwater, and insect infestation. "

These outer buildings have been characterised as being:

" Long, communal homes. Housing not just parents and their children, but also grandparents, uncles, aunts and cousins. These buildings are majority one storey and a half, with the half storey being used for storage. However some are two storeys tall and some are just one storey tall. "

However despite the difference between the infrastructure on the outskirt of the town and the inner of the town. There were some general shared features. Namely:

" — The addition of piles (deep foundation). This was to avoid wild animals and floods, to deter thieves, and for added ventilation.
— Due to the piles, stairs are required to reach the elevated interior. The stairs connected the land front of the house to the porch. Additional stairs might be found on back of the house. The stairs can be made of wood, bricks, stone or rammed earth. |

| Kejiayuan sitting only at a size of 3 hectares and a population of 3,250. Majority Chinese, with the second largest (approximately: 4%) ethnic group being Indians.
However some citizens of Kejiayuan clashed with the local Peranakan Chinese population of Penang. As the two groups meet, throughout daily life. As the Chinese citizens of Kejiayuan call the Peranakan Chinese "Màomíng dǐngtì zhě". Meaning impostor. As the Peranakan Chinese and Kejiayuan Chinese have hardly anything in common, aside from their ancestral homeland.
As the Peranakan Chinese speak their own creole language, over using any Chinese dialects. The Peranakan Chinese women also wore clothing, that looked very Malay inspired. This divide was caused by the difference in periods between migration of the Chinese people to the Malay peninsula. The ancestors of the Peranakan Chinese came to Malaysia during the 14th and 17th centuries and have naturalised into Malay culture within that time, meanwhile the Kejiayuan Chinese are filled with people who fled China during the Japanese invasion during WW2. As such they haven't naturalised into Malay culture and are largely conservative to their cultural roots in China.
The clashes between the Peranakan Chinese and Kejiayuan were not only just loud spats of words, but also actual physically violent confrontations. However current reports suggest that these physically violent confrontations are caused by those who are gangsters and not the overall populace. |

______________________________________________

THE ALGERIAN DISPATCH

البيان جزائري

AL BAYAN JAZA'ĪRIYUN

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NASRID ALGERIA: THE EMIR'S APPEAL TO A GROWING WORLD AND RECOGNIZING ORAN'S AMBITIONS
_{EMIRATE OF ALGERIA | ORAN, SEPTEMBER 1970}

_{| COURT OF THE LIONS, ZIANIDE ROYAL PALACE - MEXUAR المشور‎ | Two years into its long fought for independence, Algeria seems to position itself as the crowning jewel of North Africa. Emir Al-Rahman's liberal economic plans are in full effect with Oran and Algeria's vast oil and natural gas attracting hundreds of foreign investors whom are also keen to experience the lifestyles of Algeria's petroleum rich oil barons. Construction of Nasri Tower, the planned hub of financial institutions, home of the Nasrid Central Bank, and an economic forum filled with insurance agencies, lawyers, and big investors is in full swing with the first 60 out of 165 floors being stood up. In the meantime other smaller tower projects have been established at the heart of Algeria's new capital city with the Emir setting forth plans for lavish high-rise apartments, luxurious hotels, and landmark monuments and casinos.}

_{The Emir's most recent travels to Las Vegas, Nevada made him change his mind about Algeria's strict no gambling laws and upon returning last month, Al-Rahman issued yet another royal decree establishing the inner cities of Oran and Algiers as gambling free centers. Both cities are already among the most economically free in world with only Monaco topping them out. While Algeria continues to push forward in the world of advanced sciences and medicines, new hospitals and clinics have popped up with nearby research facilities. This has spearheaded and reinforced the government's plans to institute a free universal healthcare program across the nation for all Algerian citizens. The growing Algerian economy has also taken to the global stock exchange, investing in several global financial institutions and large technology companies. The Emir hopes to showcase Algeria's progress during the official visit of Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew which will also hopefully bring increased mutual investments between the two countries as well as formal official recognition and the establishment of embassies between the two.}

_{Emir Al-Rahman has also issued an appeal to the European Economic Community in which he hopes to establish mutual investments and a long term partnership with the growing trading bloc. With most Algerians having set aside their disdain for the French and Europeans in general, it is likely that Algeria and Europe could foster a close a prosperous relationship in the near future. Algeria already supplies oil to France and by default to different parts of Western Europe via the Trans-Mediterranean Pipeline which transports a total of 80 million tons of oil and 600 billion cubic feet of natural gas annually through its three underwater pipelines. From an economic standpoint this flow of revenue coupled with that made from ship bound oil and gas exports remains Algeria's lifeline. Without it, Algeria and the Emir's plans for a modern Algeria would not be possible. |}

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!آَخَرٌ مِنٌ الْرَمانِ  

ĀKHARUN MINUN ĀLRAMĀNI!

LAST OF THE POMEGRANATE!

_{𝐑𝐈𝐒𝐄 𝐎𝐅 𝐍𝐀𝐒𝐑𝐈
𝐂𝐎𝐌𝐌𝐎𝐍𝐖𝐄𝐀𝐋𝐓𝐇 𝐎𝐅 𝐋𝐈𝐁𝐄𝐑𝐓𝐘}

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