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I never argued that the labor aristocracy is a part of the bourgeoisie, but that its interests are aligned with the bourgeoisie in that it receives a significant part of the imperialist profits from the exploitation of the rest of the world.
You can insist all you want that it's a lack of class consciousness. But the fact that the Amerikan "working class" is in the global top tier of the world while not being responsible for the production of goods for the most part does have ideological and material implications. They're not all of a sudden going to "realize" that their interests are with the oppressed peoples of the rest of the world whom their wealth comes from, most of them are perfectly fine maintaining this system of exploitation since they're on the better end of it. Amílcar Cabral once said, "Always bear in mind that the people are not fighting for ideas, for the things in anyone’s head. They are fighting to win material benefits, to live better and in peace, to see their lives go forward, to guarantee the future of their children..." This is what motivates revolutionary struggle in the third world, the fact that they are exploited to the bone. In the first world, on the contrary, these material benefits already exist for most people and are a product of imperialism. What would the labor aristocracy revolt for? More imperialist wealth? Or perhaps is the idea of the labor aristocracy revolting to unite with the oppressed peoples of the world and voluntarily redistributing the wealth they benefited from a bit idealistic?
Simply saying that white Amerikans are oppressed doesn't make it true. Yes, there are transgender people, there are non-binary and agender people, but would the cis heterosexual white majority revolt alongside them for their rights? Yes, there are people with autism who face all kinds of ostracization and condescension, but would the allistic people take up armed revolt alongside them for their rights? They might sympathize with them, but it's idealistic to assume that the labor aristocracy will out of nowhere revolt against imperialism when their own position in society comes from being the beneficiary of that superexploitation.
Here's what I'm asking about the "proletariat gaining from a proletarian revolution": is the "proletariat" in question really proletarian? No. They have more in common with the imperialist bourgeoisie than with any oppressed peoples. They owe their wealth to that. They owe their socioeconomic position to that. If we are struggling for a world of equality, and achieving that equality means that those at the better end of the inequality must give up what they have that makes them better off, and that those better off will not voluntarily relinquish them, why should we assume that they would revolt? The oppressive factor behind lack of private property is that one group benefits from the wealth produced by others. If the first world labor aristocracy are the benefactors and not the producers, they are part of the oppressors and not the oppressed.
Workers and peasants in the third world do revolt against imperialism. There are the Naxalites, the NPA-Philippines, the Nepali Maoists, the Shining Path, and many more. These groups have all either waged people's war in the past or are waging now. Because their material conditions are much worse than any white Amerikan.
You can insist and repeat as many times as you want that the labor aristocracy is proletarian and oppressed, but that doesn't make it true. That is a material and historical falsehood. Stagnating wages, housing shortages, rising living costs, etc. are issues that the petty bourgeoisie or even parts of the top bourgeoisie could complain about. They do not by themselves mean oppression. Reaction historically came about in response to a massive threat of revolution against the bourgeoisie. There is no such threat today, so why would there be a need for it? Because the reactionary parties represent the interests of the labor aristocracy: maintaining the imperialist wealth by continuing and increasing the superexploitation of the rest of the world. You can pretend that all of a sudden proletarian consciousness will come to these people, but there are no material conditions behind that to make that happen.
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If the labor aristocracy isn't, given all the facts, proletarian - and you're not arguing it's part of the bourgeoisie - which class does the labor aristocracy belong to?
Living standards and wages of almost all Amerikans would have to go down, actually. The US consumes resources of the world at around four times that the world can handle and almost all Amerikan wage-earners fall in the top 15 percent globally in terms of wealth. Amerikans wouldn't revolt for that, they would revolt against it.
Regarding charities, the exact same argument could be made for the imperialist bourgeoisie, since most of them do philanthropy of some kind.
Immigrants do face these brutal conditions, because they are among the oppressed peoples within the US. There are certain groups within the US that face superexploitation, albeit not to the same level as the third world. That doesn't change the fact that there is also a labor aristocracy that benefits from superexploitation.
Yes, I am aware that the bourgeoisie are international. When did I argue anything contrary to that? If third world workers seek to increase their wealth, that's a good thing. They are the bulk of the oppressed peoples of the world and they don't benefit from the system in any way. And they do revolt. Almost all of the past revolutions have happened in the third world and all of the current ones are happening there.
It's technically workers but it's interests are aligned with the bourgeoisie rather than against it. Therefore you couldn't really call it proletarian.
Also, I just noticed this.
Ok, this is outright racist garbage. What makes you think that you demanding slightly higher wages is any more revolutionary than the national liberation movements? Those movements were and are armed struggles against the compradors of the imperialist bourgeoisie in order to end the chokehold of their countries by the first world. They were and are quite clearly more than "marginal importance" since the imperialists have desperately tried to crush the ones in the past and are trying to crush the ones happening now. Like seriously, get off your high horse. Have you stopped to think that the leftist parties in the US and Europe are the ones that are being tolerated by the global capitalist system since their miniscule demands for higher wages means next to nothing for them? Those are the ones that pose no existential threat to capitalism-imperialism. Sure, there is police interference on many occasions, but that's not comparable by any means to what the guerrilla forces in the third world face. Because national liberation means that the imperialists don't have vast reserves of people to exploit as cheap labor.
Look up the NPA, Naxalites, etc. before you try throwing more Trotskyism at me.
Post by Gatito suppressed by a moderator.
What they said is part of the Trotskyist theory of Permanent Revolution. That revolution begins in the imperialist countries and spreads outwards. I strongly disagree with it considering historical precedent and material conditions to the contrary.
PlaceName has a valid statement though. The reason they don't care about them now is how simple it is for capitalist/imperialist forces to just arm the group they want to destabilize the opponent group so that they can just threaten the nations in question to open borders and "free the elections". Just look at Angola. Angola's people desired to be a Socialist State but interventions by the South African and other foreign governments weakened the ability of the Socialists to take power. Though the Socialists in the end, the countryside is completely torn and Angola has been effectively "removed of its fangs" that would've ensured a dominant Socialist Power in the Southern African coast. Now nobody in the city wants to return to the countryside and help with the labour necessary for farming for fear of the landmines and the still existent political groups.
The West doesn't need to fear about Angola because they effectively taken out Angola's one strength which was its agricultural sector which is now only minorly existent as the nation requires vast food imports. The West does it all the time to forces that do not require an invasion to prevent losing their markets. Afterall, Angola went from colony to a Socialist state fairly quickly which meant that the West had no investment to lose but rather gain if they could arm the opposition faction.
Except it's not true that they don't care about them. They see them as threats. That's why those groups are at the receiving end of paramilitary operations almost every week and that's why many are labeled as terror organizations. I'm not talking about US-backed groups like the FSA in Syria, those are pro-imperialist not anti-imperialist.
I'm not sure what you're trying to say with the Angola example. Imperialist destabilization is indeed a thing. That's why it should be combatted.
The US is an exception, even within the western world. If you are just talking about the US, then I am inclined to agree with you. I was referring to 'the west' as a whole.
Again, I just mentioned charities because I think their existence shows that many have a desire to improve the lives of people in LEDC countries, since you were claiming that no one in richer countries cares about global inequality.
Other first world countries also overconsume a lot and do benefit from imperialist wealth. Not to the same degree, but they are likewise on the better end of the global wealth divide.
That's not what I am arguing and that's the kind of strawman that right-wingers will use. What I'm arguing is that the labor aristocracy will not voluntarily relinquish its wealth and living standards for global equality the way that the bourgeoisie wouldn't. Sure they may donate some small amount for a charity, but that's within the context of giving so long as you get to keep everything else.
I agree that there are material conditions that lead to the working class of core (I'm going to use core and periphery terminology from dependency theory/world-systems analysis instead of first/third world) countries like the USA to hold more liberal or reactionary ideology. But it isn't just because they tangentially benefit from superexploitation in periphery nations. Let me address some of your points.
First of all, simply comparing dollar amounts won't necessarely yield you the complete picture. In the USA and other core countries, living expenses tend to be far higher than in periphery nations, so the difference shown by the numbers and the difference in lived experience are not necessarely equivalent. Of course that isn't to say that most working class folks in America or western Europe don't have much higher standards of living, but it is not as if they are accumulating or don't yield much of that wealth back to the hands of the capitalists just because their gross income is higher than most people in the third-world.
But also more importantly I think, your analysis of the material conditions and how they interact with revolutionary potential is flawed. It isn't simply a matter of degree of exploitation or super-exploitation. There are also factors of different varieties of alienation and how prevelent they are, and the relations of production themselves. In many so called 'third-world' nations, which are not fully proletarianized and whose social structures haven't been fully altered by capitalism, community and traditional social bonds and lack of legitimacy and loyalty to the state makes revolutionary potential (whether progressive or reactionary as is unfortunately often the case) very much increased. When combined with the exploitation and superexploitation and the onset of processes of proletarianization, this is magnified even more. It is very easy to see their direct interests and to see how people could work together to govern themselves and lead their own path against the bourgeois state and capital. In fact, many third-world movements are in reaction and resistance to being proletarianized, not just a reaction to the superexploitation of labor in a capitalist fashion after. The Zapatistas, landless peasants movements and many others are key examples of this.
In countries like the USA and nations in western Europe, social bonds are highly disintegrated and people very widely dispersed, leading to a much more atomized social structure and dependence on the ruling social structures for their livelihood and stability. People are highly alienated in the relations of production and generally tend only to have loose social ties to community and family, partially caused by and a cause of a highly individualistic, reactionary ideology prevailing, and a general sense of helplessness and pessimism towards radical change. Would many people in the first world be amenable to a radically different world in theory? Sure, but their lived experience too often tells them that it's impossible because people are just naturally individualistic and the only thing maintaining them is the social structures of hierarchy that foster this disintegration, capitalism and the bourgeois state. The material relations of production reinforce and reproduce this alienation. They experience class struggle and conflict of interests with the capitalists but often lack any firm foundation of community to organize around or experience in organzing and living autonomously that would allow them to see their struggles as shared or systematic. When then combined with the relative prosperity and higher standards of living deriving from the high profitability of core production processes in the core nations (enabled by periphery production processes and superexploitation at those points of production), this makes first-world workers tend to not be able to concieve of their class interests as "proletarian" or in resisting capitalism.
I also agree that there are elements of "false conscioussness" (if you want to call it that) and this ties into the idea of contradictory class locations but that's another topic.
This is of course a very broad and general set of statements, and conditions in different contexts are always much more complicated. This also isn't to say that "traditional" (a problematic term) social structures that yield less alienation are by definition "good" or always "revolutionary" by the way; just maybe a note on how the social structures which are a part of both the material infrastructure and ideological superstructure, and how they create revolutionary potential and class struggle is much more compicated than simply exploitation versus superexploitation.
Let me know what you all think.
Costs of living are generally higher in the first world (though many goods are actually cheaper than they are in the third world), but when you compare those to the wages, third world people are always crushed by their living costs. First world people can rely on things like the welfare state to help them, in addition.
First world workers do yield some of the wealth to the bourgeoisie. The labor aristocracy is a layer that is dependent on the bourgeoisie while not being a part of the bourgeoisie, so it is distinct in a number of ways.
Exploitation and oppression are what drives revolutionary potential. That's why one has to consider the level of exploitation. Social relations such as the ones you described play some role, but ultimately it has to do with the oppression that third world nations and peoples face. I am aware that many of the movements are against proletarianization. The Chinese Revolution was an alliance of the small Chinese proletariat, the much larger peasantry and the national bourgeoisie against imperialism.
Individualist ideology does certainly exist in the first world, but I have to disagree that class struggle is taking place between the white Europeans/European-descent Amerikans and the bourgeoisie. They have been the main benefactors of imperialism, racism and settler-colonialism historically and are the main benefactors today. There are several books looking into this labor aristocracy and how it came to be, such as Divided World, Divided Class by Zak Cope and Mythology of the White Proletariat by J. Sakai. They are of course from a Third Worldist perspective but I think that their arguments should be considered.
*Settlers: Mythology of the White Proletariat
The full name of the second one.
Hoi guys >~<" I'm back. I was visiting my mother and her boyfriend for the weekend.
Hi there.
Also, I'm done debating the subject. It's clear that we disagree and all. I would appreciate if people looked at the two works above, at the very least to see an analysis that's different from the orthodox Marxist-Leninist, Trotskyist, anarchist, etc. understanding of capitalism and imperialism.
Although I don't agree with your stance I appreciate your well written arguments and the civility and focus of your debating. I think your arguments raise some interesting points and I will get to looking more into it sometime in the future as well as reading more about other perspectives on imperialism, global capitalism, and class conflict and revolution in the third world.
The free presleytarian state and Hortonia
Hoiiiii, welcome back. I am out of town visiting family as well.
One of the scariest pieces of music I have ever had the pleasure of listening to from one of the scariest (and fascinating) movies I have ever had the pleasure of seeing. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Vckpu9CorHc
Ah, Paprika. There's that nightmare fuel.
Well that's a shame; I was looking forward to coming home and writing out a response - perhaps a testament to my dull evenings more than anything.
Maybe next time.
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