Flag of the Cooperatist Tsunter Republic
Unitary Cooperatist Directorial Republic
The politics of the Cooperatist Tsunter Republic takes place within the framework of a semi-parliamentary democratic republic. The structure of the government is outlined by the Tsunter Code, the national constitution, which describes the country as a Unitary Cooperatist Directorial Republic. The Tsunter Code emphasises a democratic framework in which most public political participation occurs through local debates and referendums rather than through elections for representatives. The traditional clan unit is emphasised as an integral institution for hosting these kinds of local decisions. Decision making on a national level is intended to be extension of decision making on the local level.
First Councillor Quinn Sleepless
The National Bureaucracy is the administrative arm of government responsible for the implementation and enforcement of the policies made by the Grand Conclave. The National Bureaucracy is comprised of many departments and agencies which oversee different responsibilities within government.
Judicial power rests with the Clan Parley which also acts as the highest court of the Tsunterlands. Most local judicial decisions are handled via local clans with most clans having long-standing common law traditions unique to their clan. The Clan Parley plays a role in adjudications where either the decisions made by local clans are seen to be in violation of the law. As such they also serve as guardians of the constitution in regard to the actions of the other institutions of government.
The constitution declares the Tsunter Republic to be a “Cooperatist Directorial Republic, guided by the ideas of James Misson and the social and political ideas of Bakunin and Godwin.” Cooperatism is a libertarian socialist ideology that centers around the vision is multiple cooperatives working in harmony.
The Tsunter Republic is generally seen as a hybrid regime. In particular the leadership of the Clans is seen to have an undue influence on politics at the expense of the people.
Led by the Young Tsunter movement the Tsunterlands would achieve independence from Aizcona in 1925 following years of conflict enabling the Young Tsunter movement to become the dominant political force in the nation. From the 1925 to 1949 they led the country under their conservative and nationalist ideology which emphasised the clan as the most importance institution within society. The main opposition is this time period came from the eastern interior of the nation by a faction that represented the interests of those outside of the Young Tsunter vision for the nation, mainly the large number of Estran, native Salimanese from The United Partitions and Ipachis living in the eastern interior of the nation, along with a growing trade union movement arising on the Little Hook Peninsula. This trade union movement would become heavily influenced by the writings of James Mission, leading to the foundations of the Cooperative faction, however as the government became increasingly autocratic under the government of Navarch Addeus Chae’La Ganguard, this proto-socialist movement became squashed by political repression.
The first post-war was democratic elections in 1954 would see the Cooperative faction sweep to power instituting a powerful revolution from above. They introduced a new constitution, renaming the country the Cooperatist Tsunter Republic and reorganised the nation and the government according to Missonist principles. Effectively instituting a one party state, although democracy continued at the local level and within the Cooperative Party, they would hold power for the next three decades. While they would oversee the Tsunterlands into a economic golden age in the 1960s and early 1970s their control of the country would be undermine by a period of ethnic violence between Ethnic Tsunter, Estran and minority Ipachi populations in the eastern interior known as the Trials. By 1980 in the midst of a thick recession and growing ethnic conflict the Cooperative party had become broadly unpopular outside of their heartland in the Little Hook Peninsula. Domestic protests and international pressure forced a broad democratisation of the political system in 1984 which saw the emergence of two new political factions: the Unionists, the party of the minority populations, and the Romantics or ROM party, who styled themselves as a revival of the Young Tsunter movement. The handover of power to these new factions were only permitted providing they remained loyal to Cooperatist ideals.
In 1987 these parties would triumph over the Cooperatists and share power with each other. Their coalition would only last two years before collapsing leading to a period of political instability and shifting coalitions that would last until 2007, when following the resignation of First Councillor Nero Chae’La Borsha admit corruption scandals no faction was able to form a government and take power. This would lead to the so-called “year of anarchy” where national government effectively collapsed for seven months until December where a group of naval officers declared themselves the new provisional government placing the country under martial law. Their rule would last for eighteen months wherein the constitution was rewritten to strengthen the powers of the Grand Conclave. Fresh elections would be called and the military would handover power to a new civilian government in July 2009. Since then the Tsunterlands has seen a period of unprecedented cross-partisanship cooperation and political stability as the three factions have broadly been able to work together in a system commonly described as “Tri-factionalism”.
Cooperatism – the Ideology of the Tsunterlands
Cooperatism is a socialist, political and economic theory, based around the writings of Captain James Mission, that aims to create a society in which local organisations cooperate together to achieve mutually beneficial goals. Its central thesis is that inter-societal competition inextricably linked with power disparity limits the development of and ultimately leads to collapse of societies. The ideology is closely associated with various communist ideologies however its main point of diversion is its emphasis on the redistribution of political power rather than economic wealth its central goal being “the democratisation of all aspects of wider society.” Cooperatism is sometimes considered to be a libertarian socialist philosophy however it does not reject the existence of a state, believing it essential for the preservation of a coherent society.
Misson's idea was to have his society be one in which people of all colours, creeds, and beliefs were to be free of any scrutiny. He spoke against the authoritarian institutions of his day, including monarchies, slavery, institutional religion, and the abuses associated with wealth. His ideal society would be one of direct democracy, where the people as a whole held the authority to make laws and rules. Although he was also spoke for the need of systems of councils composed of delegates who were supposed to think of themselves as "comrades" of the general population, not rulers.
The Grand Conclave
The Brethren Fort, home to Grand Conclave
They elect from their own number a First Councillor who has the power to control the Conclave’s agenda, initiate votes and preside over discussion. The First Councillor often grants the members of the Conclave specific policy areas and the power to oversee certain departments of the National Bureaucracy. The position of First Councillor is voted on annually however the First Councillor can be removed from their position by an internal vote from the Conclave or an external joint vote by both the lower houses. The First Councillor may hold indefinite consecutive terms unless otherwise removed from power.
The Conclave is composed of twelve members, known as Councillors, who are nominated and appointed by the two lower chambers, six from the Clan Parley and six from the People’s Parley. Individuals are not permitted to sit in multiple chambers. Councillors hold their position for two years before needing to be reappointed however they can be dismissed from their position by the other eleven Councillors or by a vote from the Clan and People’s Parley.
The two lower chambers are also responsible for electing a Navarch, who sits in the Conclave and acts as the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. Like the First Councillor, the Navarch holds their position for a year, but can be removed from power early by a vote from the lower houses. In peacetime, the Navarch must leave office after a year and there is constitutionally mandated five-year gap before that indivudal can be reappointed as to the position of Navarch.
Constitutionally ten votes are required for the Conclave to act, however by convention the Conclave aims to achieve unanimity among its members often debating an issue until a consensus is reached. While the topics and results of the Conclave’s decisions are made public the actual content of their discussions, including how each member voted are kept secret and, unless there is a request by the lower houses, the records of the Conclaves meetings are not revealed for twenty years. While this practice has been often criticised for its lack of transparency the Conclave has always maintained that secrecy is necessary to arrive at consensus and to preserve the collegiality and political independence of the individual Councillors.
The People’s Parley
The People’s Court, home to the People’s Parley
ROM party - 31
Civic Union Party - 24
Cooperative party - 15
The primary role of the People’s Parley is to scrutinise legislation and other actions taking by the Grand Conclave which is done through a motion of Appraisal. If five deputies within the Parley call for a motion of Appraisal against any action taken by the Conclave it is debated and then voted on by the Parley. Should the action be voted against it is then sent to the Clan Parley to be debated and then voted on. If the act is rejected there as well it is scrapped and its effects reversed.
Another power of the People’s Parley is its role in the appointment of the membership of the Grand Conclave. Six of the twelve members of the Conclave are chosen by the People’s Parley. An individual requires the support of five deputies from the Parley to be nominated for the Conclave. These prospective candidates are voted on with the ten most popular candidates with the most votes going forward to the interviewing stage. The prospective candidates are then interviewed by the Parley before being individually voted on. Each deputy may only vote for six of the ten candidates. Any candidate that receives a majority of votes is appointed to the Conclave. The People’s Parley may also dismiss members of the Conclave via a motion of Dismissal which requires the support of twenty Deputies to be initiated. If the motion passes in the Parley its is sent to the Clan Parley to be debated voted on. If it receives the support of both Parley’s the individual is dismissed from the Conclave and a new round of interviews and debates are held to find their replacement.
Individuals are not permitted to be members of both the People’s Parley and the Grand Conclave. This sometimes leads to situations where an individual elected to People’s Parley finds themselves appointed to the Conclave and must relinquish their seat in the Parley.
A third power, unique to the People’s Parley is their ability to scrutinise and vote on all fiscal policies passed by the Grand Conclave. This, along with their powers of dismissal, makes having the support of the People’s Parley essential for the Grand Conclave to conduct the business of government.
The Clan Parley
The Floating Palace, home to the Clan Parley
Cooperative Faction- 72
Romantic Faction - 36
The Clan Parley was intended to be a voice for clan interests within the Tsunter political system. It is the only body of the Tsunter government to have survived in its original form since independence. Originally each clan was permitted to appoint up to four representatives to the Clan Parley, however the an constitutionally amendment passed in 1999 tied the number of representatives to the populations of the clan. Since 2019 there are 108 members of the Clan Parley. Like the People’s Party the Clan Parley meets for one week every four months. The Parley is led by the Speaker for the Clans who is elected by the Clan Parley. They have the power to preside over debates and control the timetable of Parley business. The Clan Parley is based in the Floating Palace, Libertalia.
The Clan Parley has many of the same powers and functions as the People’s Parley, namely its role in scrutinising legislation and its role over the appointment and dismissal of members of the Grande Conclave. There are a number of procedural different between the two chambers; namely rather than motions of appraisal and dismissal requiring a certain number of members to be initiated they are instead reliant on the support of at least one clan’s delegation. Similarly, the process of appointed to the Grand Conclave differs in the Clan Parley too. Rather than process of preliminary votes and interviews the Clan Parley typically creates a list of potential candidates before having a singular vote. The six most popular candidates are then appointed to the Conclave.
The Clan Parley also plays an important legal and judicial role, effectively doubling as the highest court of the Tsunterlands and the final court of appeal. Within the Tsunterlands almost all local judicial power is held by the clans, as it seen as their historic right to enforce the law on their lands and among their people. The Clan Parley has a supervisory role is this regard, ensuring the clan’s are acting in accordance to the law. The Parley is also responsible for dealing with any disputes that may arise between the clans as a result of their legal powers.
Another of the responsibilities of the Clan Parley is to use their power of appraisal to overturn legislation which is seen to violate the Tsunter’s Code. This makes them one of the more important checks on the power of the Grand Conclave.
Partisanship and Factionalism
A map indicating the political make up of the Tsunterlands
A nationalistic and conservative constituency present on the Big Hook Peninsula. This is traditionally seen as the heartland of the Young Tsunter movement. Much of the population is employed in seafaring trades or works in naval adjacent industries. In recent years this demographic has sided with the new ROM (Revolutionary October Manifesto) Faction, sometimes referred to as the Romantics.
A left-wing, collectivist faction that emerged in the industrialised Little Hook Peninsula. This is commonly seen as the Heartland for the Cooperative Party
The Eastern Interior Region is largely filled with non ethnic Tsunter minorities, who have long felt threatened by and opposed the nationalist inclinations of the Hook populations. The population is generally represented by the Civic Unionist Party, a generally progressive and liberal party.
Finally finished this behemoth of a factbook. It went through many many rewrites. By the way theres's a bit of 20th century history in there if you're interested. Probably going to try and do economy next.
Eyyy awesome to hear my dude
Justice General MacGregor (1916)
11th Justice General of the Federal Union
December 26, 1915 - July 12, 1933
Appointed by: John Carroway
Preceded by: Archibald Ancroft
Succeeded by: Cristobal Reid
1901 - 1913
1897 - 1901
President: William MacKintail
Born: May 21, 1851
Dyrewall, Roonmore province
Died: October 8, 1937 (aged 86)
Valecarra, Adashawnee province
MacGregor held office during some of the most tense and chaotic years in Almorean history. Conservative by nature, he successfully struck a centrist posture during his years as a politician but was unable to do so as Justice General. He attempted to preserve political support for the Supreme Court during the 1920s by aligning with rightwing parties, but was ultimately discredited after a liberal reaction in 1933 and forced to resign. MacGregor is considered a below-average Justice General.
John Waltham MacGregor was born on May 21, 1851, in Dyrewall, Roonmore province, the son of Silas MacGregor (1820 - 1898), a local Federalist politician, and Mildred Newcomb (1822 - 1891). In 1861, his family moved to Valesavan, where his father became an official in the Confederal Union's treasury during the War of Disunion. In May 1863, MacGregor enlisted as a drummer boy for the 77th Picket Company, 41st (Roonmore) Infantry Regiment. He never saw combat, and only served in the confederal army for two months, until the surrender of Governor Henry Yaddow to federal forces in July.
After the war, MacGregor's family was ruined financially by harsh anti-secessionist laws passed by Congress. As a teenager, MacGregor worked on the Valesavan-Faxon Railroad, and helped to build telegraph poles and string wires for federal wages. In 1872, he began working as a clerk at a bank in Bennburgh, and saved enough money to enroll at Sheridan College, a private school in Valesavan, where he studied law for three years. After completing further studies on a scholarship to King's College, MacGregor was admitted to the bar in 1878.
In 1880, MacGregor was elected solicitor for the sheriffs' court of Bennburgh County, beginning his career as a local politician. As a staunch "Roonmore Federalist", MacGregor adhered to a platform that favored high tariffs to protect wheat and maize farmers, subsidies for transportation infrastructure to ship grain, and strong state support for the National Church. He was elected judge of Bennburgh County in 1885. In 1887, MacGregor was appointed to fill a vacancy in the Roonmore House of Representatives. After winning election to a full term, he served in the provincial legislature until 1893.
While sitting in the Roonmore legislature, MacGregor attacked labor unions, communists, and foreign immigration. After leaving the House of Representatives in 1893, MacGregor began to cultivate a profile among the national Federal Party. He worked in Congress as a lobbyist for the Almorean Oil Consortium, and attended the 1896 Federalist National Convention as a delegate from Roonmore. MacGregor supported the nomination of William MacKintail, a senator from Baranor, who went on to win the presidency in December.
In March 1897, MacGregor became deputy solicitor general in the new MacKintail administration. After Attorney General Herbert Forsyth died in October, the president nominated MacGregor in his place. After enduring a contentious confirmation hearing, he was sworn in on October 31, 1897. In 1898, MacGregor was responsible for prosecuting officials of the War Department, who were charged with taking illegal bribes from shipbuilding companies. His face appeared constantly in the newspapers, and he became a well-known figure across his home province. MacGregor's mind began to focus on a return to politics. He was elected to the Senate to represent Roonmore in 1900, and resigned as Attorney General to take office as senator in February 1901.
Drawing on his experience as a lobbyist and public prosecutor, MacGregor carved out a successful career in the Senate. Running as a Federalist in a "safe" district, he was re-elected in 1904 and 1908. He supported efforts to censure President William Walter Gates in late 1903, over his prosecution of former Federalist officials. Although he considered a campaign for governor of Roonmore in 1904, MacGregor chose another Senate term instead. After Gates' deputy, Edward P. Norton, assumed the presidency in 1906 and announced plans for high tariffs and anti-inflation measures, MacGregor became known as a moderate figure who could bridge Federalists and Nationalists.
In January 1909, MacGregor submitted himself as a replacement for Federalist presidential candidate William Pinne, who had died of a heart attack, but his hopes were disappointed. In his last Senate term, MacGregor attempted to alleviate damage to the Roonmore commodities market, which had suffered a severe shock in the Panic of 1910. He decided not to run for a fourth Senate term in the legislative elections of 1912. At the 1914 Federalist National Convention, MacGregor's name was floated as a possible nominee for deputy president, but he ultimately lost out to Benjamin Shearer, who would appeal more to coastal voting blocs.
After the Federalist nominee, Roonmore representative John Carroway, won the election, MacGregor was hopeful for a Cabinet position. When Justice General Archibald Ancroft retired after disputes with Carroway in November 1915, the president unexpectedly nominated MacGregor to succeed him. The Federalist-majority Senate confirmed MacGregor in a 21-12 vote, and he was sworn in as Justice General on December 26, 1915.
During MacGregor's first years as Justice General, Almorea was wracked by political and economic turmoil. The War of the Contested Crown, fought from 1915 to 1917, drained public confidence in the government. Beginning in 1918, a widespread economic crisis led to a breakdown of public order, amidst spiraling unemployment and long bread lines. MacGregor supported the state of emergency declared by President Carroway in May of that year, and led the Supreme Court to vote in favor of the administration in Hinckley vs. Federal Union, when federal agents were sued for plowing into a crowd of rioters with an armored car. MacGregor maintained friendly relations with Edward P. Norton, who was returned to the presidency in 1920 as leader of the liberal Almorean Party (AMP). In 1921, the Supreme Court struck down a challenge to the Adderson Amendment, recently passed to give suffrage to all Almorean women of voting age.
In December 1921, MacGregor laid the foundation stone for a new Supreme Court building in Ellsburgh. In April 1922, he supported the Norton administration in Steele vs. Department of the Treasury, after rightist congressman Aurian Steele sued the government over the breaking national debt limit. The intense public reaction against the Supreme Court's decision, led by Steele himself, frightened MacGregor and influenced him to begin following public opinion more closely. The independence and integrity of the Supreme Court was seen to suffer during the 1920s as a result. In 1924, after Steele had been elected governor of Roonmore, MacGregor declined to intervene against his nationalization of provincial banks. When the Almorean military intervened to stabilize the government's finances in the spring of 1925, MacGregor lent legitimacy to their action by appearing at negotiations between President Norton and the leading generals in Nockarsh. By 1926, the Justice General was largely powerless to stop Almorea's slide into armed conflict between the fascist faction and the government.
After street battles in Ellsburgh in March and May 1926, MacGregor supported Roonmore governor Steele's move to strip President Norton from power. He duly swore in Steele as the 26th President in February 1927 after an undemocratic election. During the Steele presidency, MacGregor and the Supreme Court were largely sidelined. They were forced to acquiesce to Steele's execution of military leaders in 1928 and his assassination of separatists in Gray Hills province and the Kumal hangate in 1929. MacGregor supported Steele in order to preserve his own position as Justice General. After the president's assassination in January 1931, MacGregor swore in Kirk Price as his successor. When Price passed the Nine Acts later that year, restricting public freedoms and declaring quasi-martial law, the eighty year-old Justice General once again declined to protest.
By late 1932, with Congress set to decide the presidential election between Price and the AMP, MacGregor sensed that the president's political grip was weakening. Once the Chamber of Representatives proved slow in its deliberations, however, Price adjourned the legislature in February 1933 and looked to the Supreme Court for support. MacGregor reluctantly led a 6-4 decision allowing Price to remain in office until the election could be properly decided. This action sealed his fate. Price was overthrown by the military in May 1933, and Congress chose Chamber leader Joseph C. Bell as the new president. When MacGregor arrived at the Palace of Congress to swear Bell in as the 28th President, he was turned away. The Justice General was irreparably stained by the Steele years. MacGregor complied with President Bell's request for his resignation on July 12, 1933, and left Ellsburgh after a judicial tenure of almost twenty years.
After his resignation, MacGregor lived in a ten-room brownhouse in Harrison Square, Valecarra, where he was troubled by rheumatism and failing eyesight. Despite his political disgrace, he remained a respected figure in society, and accepted occasional invitations to dinner parties. In 1936, on the occasion of his eighty-fifth birthday, he travelled by plane to Valesavan and presided at the annual convention of the Society of Confederal Veterans, joining the dwindling band of elderly men who had fought in the War of Disunion.
MacGregor suffered a stroke in January 1937 that left him mostly incoherent and bedridden. He died of complications from this stroke in his home in Valecarra on October 8, 1937, aged eighty-six. In 1946, during the Imperial War, his tomb was destroyed when the city's Church of St. James the Great was attacked by Magarati warplanes.
Dumped this out to end its months-long stay on my clipboard. Hopefully, soon I will have something about Almorean cities.