Greater Middle EastBoard

THE DAILY MAIL
_{29th May, 2023}

Britain set to vote on revoking of the 1999 Scotland Act in favour of a replacement

After the announcement by First Minister Hamza Yusuf of a referendum over Scottish independence on the 1st July, in which has only the support of MSP's, and failed to get past the Supreme Court earlier this year, Secretary State for Scotland, Alister Jack, announced government preparations over an emergency vote of the revoking of the 1999 Scotland Act, pushed forward by Blair during his first term. While Farage has suggested his direct opposition to a Scottish devolved government, his party has been an advocate for devolution reversals, and may have the catalyst to do so. Likely supported by the main parties of Labour, Conservatives, and UKIP, the government will be thinking of the potential consequences of it, with some suggesting a replacement which would offered a much more limited deal to the Scottish government, although others have speculated a more direct and radical move of imposing direct rule. While either opposition will likely be supported by the major parties in the UK, Farage and the government could face a challenge of the Supreme Court, with suggestions that the removal of a such a large piece of legislation without Scottish government approval would be deemed illegal.

However, a replacement of the Scotland Act could either by UKIP's 2018 plan, with the establishment of 4 regional parliaments with limited power, only having the power of local government, some taxes and some social laws, with the removal of the national parliament, and the empowerment of the Sectary State for Scotland, who would have large governing powers similar to that of before the Scotland Act. While this would be considered very radical and potentially even anti-democracy to some, it may be the solution to prevent Scottish succession, and also to prevent a party such as the SNP, who has divided a nation since 2007, to gain power ever again. Another plan could be the speculated 2022 Scotland Project, in which has been purely speculation. First seen as a more democratic and long-term solution, it would create a situation similar to Northern Ireland, in which would have two factions, Union Coalition and Nationalist Coalition, with other parties set to be involved with no factions. While this may cause it's own problems, looking to the stability issues of NI, it may be able to balance out unionist and nationalist voices of a power-sharing method. Both plans are predicted to be placed under an emergency vote in the coming days, with the government likely to bypass the unelected Lords and move towards a victory in the SC.

However, whether the government pushes it's radical plan of regional parliaments, or a more balanced plan of power-sharing agreements, it's clear that the SNP-dominance over Scotland is coming to a close, a potentially bloody end. While political infighting, instability and a party in turmoil could see a 15-seat loss in the next election, their is growing support for Scottish Labour, led by Anas Sarwar since 2021, as-well as Scottish UKIP and Conservatives, all seeing a tick in the polls. While it's unlikely the pro-unionist parties will be able to gain a single-party majority, many are seeing a united coalition of the "Big 4" between Labour, Conservatives, Liberal Democrats and UKIP, as a real alternative to the nationalist and separatists of the SNP and SSP.

With protests likely, violence very likely and a shadow of chaos in Scotland, the government will look for a peaceful solution to combine the elements of nationalist and unionism once more. The future of Scotland now hangs in the balance of a pro-unionist government.

More Happenings

With the recent capture of Chachapoyas and Iquitos by Condorist forces with PACTO assistance, Omar Chehade had now known that he'd be able to focus his full attention towards capturing the core region of the Fujimorists. Huancavelica a northwestern district under the control of the Fujimorists would be targeted first as a way to begin a pincer move on the enemy forces. As a result of the two losses and the now mounting pressure on Huancavelica, Kenji Fujimori and Pedro Kuczynski would be redirected towards the northern portion of the now last region. While on route to Cuzco District, Kuczynski would find his jet grounded by the Condorist airforce. With Kuczynski then grounded and arrested the Fujimorists would find themselves with lowered morale as a big name supporter was taken out of the picture. Kuczynski would be delivered to Lima City to be trialed and sentenced by a new supreme court as Dina Boluarte's last act of her presidency was ordering the legislature to eliminate all Fujimorists from any judicial body. Boluarte would also be informing Chehade that she'd be fully stepping down citing a recent diagnosis regarding her own health that'd make it much harder to rule while containing her own symptoms. Chehade would keep Boluarte on as an advisor and would have her go over any and all activities that'd involve civil decisions.

Europäische Sicherheit & Technik - ES&T
Arms Industry News & Breakdowns
_{27 May 2023}

ThyssenKrupp's new state-of-the-art aircraft carrier will be the first built in Germany since World War II - Arms Industry Breakdown

Germany's ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems, one of the world's most prolific shipyards, announced a new addition to its lengthy repertoire of ship designs. An aircraft carrier. Unveiled during a much-anticipated press conference at its headquarters in Kiel, Germany, the aircraft carrier will be the first built on German soil since World War II. Introduced by ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems CEO, Oliver Burkhard, he described the new carrier as "the most advanced aircraft carrier ever built in mainland Europe" and said that its capabilities will provide a navy with "an affordable and state-of-the-art carrier that can operate effectively alongside other surface vessels in any battlespace."

Called the Europäischer Leichttransporter der nächsten Generation (in English: Next Generation European Light Carrier) or ELNG for short by ThyssenKrupp, the carrier was showcased as a "light carrier" capable of both amphibious and traditional aircraft carrier operations including the deployment of fixed-wing aircraft and helicopters. Measuring at approximately 252 meters (830 feet) in length, the ship would be the largest constructed on German soil since World War II.

The ELNG will be an aircraft carrier encompassing nearly all modern developments in naval warfare including an enhanced sensor suite capable of command and control operations, allowing navies to use the carrier as a flagship, high-tech air defense missiles and close-in weapons systems giving the carrier a defensive array against both aircraft and drones. It will also feature spacious hangars, allowing the ship to carry upwards of 40 aircraft, including the seaborne F-35B aircraft operated by some NATO nations. It will also have space for a small helicopter complement.

Propulsion will be provided by a modern Integrated Electric Propulsion (IEP) system, designed and built by Siemens in collaboration with ThyssenKrupp. In total, the ELNG will feature two gas turbines and three diesel engines. The design of the propulsion system will be based both in increasing efficiency, minimizing fuel usage, maximizing range and speed, and reducing the size of the ship's engine room. Overall, the ELNG's propulsion system will be able to achieve maximum speeds of 32 knots (59 KPH) and will give the carrier a maximum range of approximately 8,000 nautical miles (14,816 km).

Crew complement will consist of approximately 500 core crew members, with space for an additional 90 crew. Ship systems were designed to be maintained and operated by a reduced crew complement, allowing any potential operator to deploy the vessel with less personnel commitments. Many of the ship's systems are designed to be automated, allowing the ship to operate with minimal crew input if desired. ThyssenKrupp also stated that it would implement various new technologies, including AI assistance to further enhance automation.

The ELNG's sensor suite is extensive and designed to detect, track and target multiple seaborne and airborne targets. Designed and manufactured by Hensoldt and its subsidiaries, the radar and sensor suite will give the carrier the capability to defend itself using a variety of surface-to-air and ship-to-ship missiles. This sensor suite will also allow it to operate close-in weapon systems to defend against close range targets such as naval bombers, helicopters, and drones. The suite will also feature extensive anti-submarine capabilities, giving the ELNG credible defense against enemy submarines.

The ELNG will feature five 6-cell VLS launchers able to be equipped with most European and U.S-designed air defense and ship-to-ship warfare missiles. In addition, the carrier will feature six Rheinmetall Millennium 35 mm CIWS, five RIM-116 RAM surface-to-air missiles, two Rheinmetall Oerlikon 76 mm naval guns and three 25 mm naval guns. Decoys for ASW and air defense operations will also be part of the onboard weapons system.

At the conclusion of its showcase, ThyssenKrupp stated that the ELNG will be built with 100% "European-designed and manufactured components and technology" allowing any navy within Europe to "maintain and supply their ELNG carriers close to home." 80% of all components will also be manufactured by German firms, with nearly all technology present within the carrier designed or built by German-based companies. ThyssenKrupp's commitment to procuring from domestic partners, has allowed the carrier to not only be a prospective future carrier for European-based NATO allies and partners, but to also reduce costs. According to ThyssenKrupp, the ELNG will likely sell at an estimated price range between €2.3-3.1 billion, making it a reasonably affordable carrier for most nations on the continent and abroad.

Following the presentation, ThyssenKrupp announced that it had already received orders for the ELNG. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia, which already operates a pair of carriers, is set to procure the €3 billion carrier. While ThyssenKrupp has not set a completion date, it announced that the deal had been hammered out and that the company expected to begin construction of Yugoslavia's FLNG by early July.

AFL's Mid-Season Draft
_{Young Players Join the League}
^{June 1st}

The Mid-Season Draft (MSD) is the only opportunities for teams to grow their teams during the year, and are one of only three opportunities throughout the year (along with the Trade Period and National Drafts after the AFL Premiership Season has ended).

It was brought back in 2019 after originally being scrapped in 1993, and allows for teams with significant injuries (or otherwise a gap in their roster) to 'refill' their teams. As such, only teams who are 'understaffed' get to be involved in the MSD.

Like the National Draft, the MSD order is chosen in accordance to ladder position. The bottom (eligable) team gets the first pick, second bottom team gets bottom pick, and so forth.

This MSD, the teams in order of draft pick are: West Coast, North Melbourne, Hawthorn, Richmond, Greater Western Sydney, Sydney, Geelong, Fremantle, Essendon, Western Bulldogs, Port Adelaide, with a second round for Hawthorn, Richmond, Greater Western Sydney, and Sydney.

Greater Western Sydney have passed on their draft picks. Draft picks for the other teams are as follows:

West Coast Eagles - Ryan Maric (Gippsland [VFL], Drouin [Gippsland League]) as Forward for West Coast.

North Melbourne - Robert Jansen jnr (Subiaco [WAFL], Mines Rovers [Goldfields FL]) as Small Forward for North Melbourne.

Hawthorn - Clay Tucker (Eastern Ranges [Talent League], Rowville [Eastern FNL]) as Ruckman for Hawthorn, and Brandon Ryan (Northern Bullants [VFL], Maribyrnong Park [Essendon District FL]) as Key Forward for Hawthorn.

Richmond Tigers - Matt Coulthard (Glenelg [SANFL], Port Noarlunga [Southern FL]) as Small Forward for Richmond, and James Trezise (Richmond [VFL], Tooradin-Dalmore [West Gippsland FL]) as Defender for Richmond.

Sydney Swans - Harry Arnold (Brisbane [QAFL]) as Defender for Sydney, and Jack Buller (Claremont [WAFL], Cottesloe [Perth FL]) as Forward for Sydney.

Geelong Cats - Mitch Hardie (Woodville-West Torrens [SANFL], Leeton Whitton [Riverina FL]) as Midfielder for Geelong.

Fremantle - Ethan Stanley (Box Hill [VFL], Frankston [Mornington Peninsula FNL]) as Wingman for Fremantle.

Essendon Bombers - Jaiden Hunter (Perth [WAFL]) as Tall Forward for Essendon.

Western Bulldogs - Caleb Poulter (Footscray [VFL], Ardrossan [York Peninsula FL]) as Midfielder for the Western Bulldogs.

Port Adelaide - Quinton Narkle (Essendon [VFL], Maddrington [Perth FL]) as Midfielder for Port Adelaide.

Daily Events
While fighting was occurring in the northern part of Bolivia Region, the Fujimorists had managed to take the entire southern part of the nation leading to them regaining a second stronghold. Fujimori would then begin to target southern La Paz and regaining the southern foothold from the planned pincer attack. With the new lands Fujimori also would request food and other supplies be grown and manufactured in order to better fuel their own war efforts. Upon receiving notice of the orders, many Bolivianos would resist and sent for assistance by Centroamerica to help free them from the unstable Fujimorist family. In the northern portion of the core Fujimorist territory, Madre de Dios district would be liberated by the Condorists . With that, Puno would become the next major target for an attack. The Titicaca Offensive would be planned to reclaim the district and reunite the peoples that live around and on the lake. Chehade thought that with a victory in Puno and continued strikes from PACTO, that his victory could be in sight soon. Kenji Fujimori, who was set to lead the Fujimorists in the new territory was on a flight that passed over Cochabamba and some Condorists tracking his jet saw that he'd be passing over so they launched an anti-aircraft missile at his aircraft after confirming that it was in fact him. This would set the Fujimorists back by weeks as they'd need to come up with a new plan of attack to try to regain anything.

One Land, Many Tongues - Language in the NSPR

As a federation of peoples, it was evident from the outset that Nanyang, a nation of a dozen languages, would require a centralised, shared lingua franca. A federal decision made in July of 1977 decreed that language to be English, deemed suitably useful enough in an international context, as well as foreign and distant enough to be presented as a neutral option, the language's much deeper roots in Singapore and the Malayan People's Republic notwithstanding. The radical decision to make English the nation's primary language was therefore implemented in schools and universities across all three constituent Republics, while each of their native languages were termed 'mother tongues' and relegated to a secondary role in matters of business and governance, though their cultural importance would undoubtedly endure. The decision was initially unpopular, especially within the Thai and Lao republics, which have had precious little experience with the language outside of the upper classes. In response, the federal government introduced a bait-and-stick policy, in which english-speaking citizens were preferentially employed within by the government and within the government's state-owned enterprises, which drove much of the economy at the time. A practical measure, especially as operations within these institutions were conducted in English anyways, and those that were not fluent and literate simply could not contribute.

Dissent was softened by the free, easily accessible and widespread nature of language classes throughout the nation's urban centers, and English - specifically, so-called 'Straits English' - Singlish - spread like wildfire throughout the republics, though it would take until the early 2000s for speaking it in a casual context to take root. The rural countryside suffered during the initial introduction of English, however, given the lacking nature of such educational facilities in the boonies, though such services gradually were made available as more and more of the backwater provinces grew developed and became great urban settlements in their own right, as industrialisation crept outwards. Of course, pockets of stubborn resistance remained - in rural Malaya, the mountains of Thailand, and among the Hmong in Laos - but ultimately much of Nanyang gradually grew to adopt English as an everyday language, alongside the native tongues, in some cases even overtaking them. Such was the success of the language program that Singapore, the prototype and first implementation of the policy, close to 100% of the native-born, non-immigrant population is literate and fluent in English - the figure is a whooping 75% in Malaya, especially within the republic's massive metropoles - with Thailand trailing at some 66%, concentrated in and around Bangkok, and the neon-lit megacities of the southern provinces and the northeast. Laos has perhaps been the most resistant to this policy - only 60%, and in some figures, 58%, are fluent and literate in the language, with even less choosing to converse in it casually. Much of the english-literate population reside along the banks of the Mekong river, with the mountain tribes staunchly refusing to partake in Nanyang's language programs.

While the proliferation of English - or rather, Singlish - has undoubtedly been a success, and a major boon to Nanyang's human capital, a worrying trend has begun to appear. Emerging firstly in Singapore, and lately in larger cities such as Bangkok, Penang, and Johor, a gradual replacement of native tongues by English has been observed, with the use of languages such as Chinese and Malay gradually fading even in casual conversations in these cities. The federal government has acted swiftly to counteract this, introducing more culturally-significant productions and literature to inspire an interest in the citizen's own native tongues. While seeing some success, these efforts grow increasingly futile as the digital age evolves and envelops, and the usage of solely English grows increasingly convenient across the three republics - a vital factor in the lifestyles of the Nanyang's new generations.

The standardisation of English as the lingua franca was not Nanynag's only language reform. In 1978, the federal government made mandatory the instruction of Mandarin as the sole Chinese dialect across all state schools, following China's standardised adoption of the dialect. Following the issuance of a requirement for a native tongue for 1980's syllabus for primary and secondary education, Nanyang's Chinese took up Mandarin en-masse. The Nanyang Commissariat of Education (NCE) adopted simplified characters that year, alongside the Hanyu Pinyin system, mandating it for the three republic's Ministries of Education. In the 1990s, following normalisation of relations with Beijing and the PRC's meteoric economic rise, the NCE made Mandarin more easily accessible of students of non-Chinese descent, in a round of reforms that made it possible for students to freely choose which native tongue they wanted to pursue, regardless of their ethnicity. Prior to that reform, students were locked to the language of their ethnicity. 1994 saw talented students given the choice to take up to four languages. 1998 saw roving Mandarin classes in similar scale to that of the English classes of the 70s and 80s take to the cities and later the countryside, in an effort to ready the populace for increased trade and interaction with China.

The increased accessibility to Mandarin boosted interest for languages across the Sinosphere, and Japanese was added as an option for a secondary tongue in 1999. Vietnamese was added the same year, though it was and continues to be relatively unpopular in comparison to Mandarin or Japanese. The Hallyu saw Korean offered for the first time as a secondary language in 2005. As a result, a sizeable chunk of Nanyang's population either speaks Mandarin as a first or second language, with a large number of citizens fluent and intelligible in various other East Asian languages. A 2020 federal survey recorded those who were literate in and spoke Mandarin Chinese at 61% of the population - the highest being 82% in Singapore (for the Chinese population), Japanese speakers at 12% - highest in Chiang Mai ( for the ethnic Japanse ), a northern city housing the remnants of the Japanese Communist Party, at 74%, with the number of Vietnamese and Korean second-language speakers at roughly 1.2 million combined, scattered across Nanyang.

Nanyang has interestingly chose Tamil as the standardising language for its Indian diaspora, instead of Hindi, owing to their origins in Southern India. There are over two million citizens of Indian descent in Nanyang, with the bulk in the Malayan People's Republic and Singapore. In contrast to English and Mandarin, however, the documentation of the population's literacy in Tamil has been abysmally kept, and Tamil is not considered as vital as either English or Mandarin. From the direction of Federal politics, however, that may soon change in the near future, as the nation potentially seeks to forge closer ties with New Delhi.

Nanyang's proficiency in many tongues - especially internationally recognised and widespread tongues - has granted the nation a competitive edge in comparison to other nations within the region or even East Asia, and contributes to the nation's status of a financial hub and haven for employed expats, owing to the ease of communication between Nanyangese businessmen and international companies. Sitting at the crossroads between the East and the West in its position at the Malacca Straits, the nation has maximised its strategic potential as a headquarters for international conglomerates and a nexus for tourists alike. In many respects, the proliferation of the world's major langauges in Nanyang has earned it perhaps billions in profits, and strengthened its standing aboard immensely.

As these languages assert their dominance and the native tongues increasingly fade away, however, the citizens of Nanyang cannot help but think that perhaps this success has come at a cost that was only now beginning to show.

AFL/VFL Mid-Season Summary and Results
_{AFL Season 12 and VFL Season 11 Results and Mid-Season Ladder}
^{June 4th (not Independence Day like I originally thought because I'm dumb as rocks)}

AUSTRALIAN FOOTBALL LEAGUE

Melbourne (8.13) [61] vs. Carlton (6.8) [44]
Melbourne Cricket Ground, East Melbourne VIC
^{MELB by 17}

Port Adelaide (23.13) [151] vs. Hawthorn (14.12) [96]
Adelaide Oval, North Adelaide SA
^{PORT by 55}

West Coast Eagles (8.9) [57] vs. Collingwood Magpies (18.12) [120]
Perth (Optus) Stadium, Burswood WA
^{COLL by 63}

Western Bulldogs (10.15) [75] vs. Geelong Cats(15.7) [97]
Docklands (Marvel) Stadium, Docklands VIC
^{GEEL by 22}

Gold Coast Suns (16.16) [112] vs. Adelaide Crows (13.9) [87]
Marrara Oval (TIO Stadium), Marrara NA
^{GCFC by 25}

Greater Western Sydney Giants (15.14) [104] vs. Richmond Tigers (16.14) [110]
Sydney Showground (GIANTS) Stadium, Sydney Olympic Park NSW
^{RICH by 6}

Essendon (16.9) [105] vs. North Melbourne (15.9) [99]
Docklands (Marvel) Stadium, Docklands VIC
^{ESS by 6}

Bye: Brisbane, Fremantle, St Kilda, Sydney

1) Collingwood
2) Port Adelaide
3) Melbourne
4) Brisbane*
5) St Kilda*
6) Essendon
7) Western Bulldogs
8) Geelong
--------------------
9) Adelaide
10) Fremantle*
11) Gold Coast
12) Sydney*
13) Richmond
14) Carlton
15) GWS
16) Hawthorn
17) North Melbourne
18) West Coast Eagles

VICTORIAN FOOTBALL LEAGUE - METROPOLITAN

Richmond Tigers (11.9) [75] vs. Casey Demons (11.10) [76]
Punt Road Oval, East Melbourne
^{CSY by 1}

Port Melbourne (7.9) [51] vs. Dandenong (17.13) [115]
North Port Oval, Port Melbourne
^{DAND by 64}

Coburg Lions (5.7) [37] vs. Werribee Tigers (13.19) [97]
Coburg City Oval, Coburg
^{WERR by 60}

Carlton (10.16) [76] vs. Frankston (10.13) [73]
Princes Park, Carlton North
^{CARL by 3}

Box Hill (9.7) [61] vs. Williamstown (11.10) [76]
Box Hill City Oval, Box Hill
^{WILL by 15}

Footscray (15.18) [108] vs. Geelong (7.8) [50]
Whitten Oval, Footscray
^{FTS by 58}

Essendon (10.6) [69] vs. North Melbourne (12.8) [80]
The Hanger, Melbourne Airport
^{NM by 11}

Northern Bullants (9.10) [64] vs. Collingwood (16.19) [115]
B T Conner Reserve, Reservoir
^{COLL by 51}

Bye: Sandringham, Yarra Ranges

1) Dandenong
2) Werribee
3) Box Hill
4) Williamstown
5) Casey
6) Yarra Ranges*
7) North Melbourne
8) Richmond
--------------------
9) Carlton
10) Collingwood
11) Geelong
12) Sandringham*
13) Port Melbourne
14) Frankston
15) Footscray
16) Essendon
17) Northern Bullants
18) Coburg

VICTORIAN FOOTBALL LEAGUE - REGIONAL

North Ballarat (25.18) [168] vs. Mighty Mitta Mountain Men (6.14) [50]
Eureka (Mars) Stadium, Wendouree
^{NBFC by 118}

Nagambie (10.15) [75] vs. Beechworth (16.12) [108]
Nagambie Recreational Reserve, Nagambie
^{BUSH by 33}

Horsham-Grampians Eagles (13.8) [86] vs. Nathalia Purples (10.11) [71]
Alexandra Oval, Ararat
^{HGE by 15}

Warrnambool (7.5) [47] vs. Ballarat (18.9) [117]
Reid Oval, Warrnambool
^{BALL by 70}

Romsey (13.7) [85] vs. Fish Creek (13.12) [90]
Romsey Recreation Reserve, Romsey
^{FISH by 5}

Gippsland (9.12) [66] vs Moyhu Hoppers (9.10) [64]
Bairnsdale City Oval, Bairnsdale
^{GIPP by 2}

Bye: Shepparton, Bendigo, Vikings

1) Fish Creek
2) Bendigo*
3) North Ballarat
4) Beechworth
5) Shepparton*
6) Ballarat
7) Gippsland
8) Horsham-Grampians
--------------------
9) Nathalia
10) Warrnambool
11) Moyhu Hoppers
12) Nagambie
13) Romsey
14) North Western Vikings*
15) Mighty Mitta Mountain Men

Date: June 5, 2023
Subject: Haiti Mission Update
To: Presidential Office Republic of Haiti, Prime Ministers Office Republic of Haiti, Ministry of Defense Republic of Haiti, Presidents office Empire of Central America, Ministry of Defence Empire of Central America

I am writing to provide you with an update on the Canadian Defence Forces (CDF) deployment efforts and our commitment to supporting the restoration of order in Haiti.

Haiti Deployment Status:
Close to 3,000, of the 10,000 proposed, CDF personnel have already arrived in Halifax and are currently undergoing all necessary preparations for deployment. The CDF contingent consists of diverse units and specialists, including infantry, engineers, medical personnel, and logistical support teams. Their primary objective is to take the lead in stabilizing the situation, providing humanitarian aid, and supporting local authorities in restoring peace, security, and law and order.

Forces on standby:
A contingent of approximately 800 Royal Siamese Legion personnel and Canadian Special Operations Forces Command (CANSOFCOM) personnel have already arrived in the Central American Province of Dominica. They are actively making preparations for an initial deployment to Port-au-Prince to support local authorities in securing the city centre, airport, and government facilities.

The CDF remains committed to supporting regional stability and the restoration of order in Haiti. Our personnel are well-trained, equipped, and prepared to fulfill their responsibilities with professionalism and dedication. Regular updates on our readiness will be provided until we are prepared to undertake formal military operations. We expect the CDF will be prepared to begin the main deployment in 2-3 weeks as personnel from across Canada continue to arrive in Halifax.

Please let me know if you require any further information or have specific questions regarding the ongoing deployments. My team is available to assist you at any time.

Sincerely,

The Honourable James Bezan
His Majesty's Canadian Minister of Defense

Beginning of an End

In Puno District, many Fujimorists had lost all morale to fight so many had swapped allegiances to the Condorists knowing they'd probe to be a victor in the PBC civil war. As a result the newly gained Condorists would seize the Puno city airport and other key infrastructure sites to await proper Condorist reinforcements. This would set back Keiko and Alberto Fujimori's plans even further as the two had planned on using Puno district to launch strikes against both La Paz and Cochabamba in order to reclaim most of the Bolivian region. Now Alberto Fujimori would withdraw many forces from the Bolivian territory to defend the core four districts especially Cuzco as that one had major sentimental value towards all of the PBC regardless of which side you support. The Fujimorists and Condorists had an understanding to not engage in any fighting around the Machu Picchu complex to preserve it as it is a UNESCO Heritage site. The Fujimorists also began considering a relocation of their HQ to Abancay in Apurimac District as Arequipa was becoming increasingly surrounded and they all but gave up the south. Chehade knew that an end was in sight and a full restoration of the democracy was on it's way back.

Coastal-Naval merger

Upon a review of the Armed forces, King Leka II would notice that the Coast guard has significantly more power to it than the Navy itself. With the navy only carry anti-pollution vehicles, and the coast guard containing many other ships, Leka II would head to the Ministry of Defence site to discuss the reasons. Gazmend Oketa minister of defence would explain how Albania wouldn't be seeing much naval action as it's not under any threats from any Mediterranean Sea or Black Sea nations. Leka II would comment back that it'd save taxpayer money to merge the two. Oketa would have a financial advisor run some numbers and Leka II would be proven right. An order from Oketa would be sent to the Coast Guard and Navy officials to initiate a merger. Leka II would then head off to continue the rest of his day and found himself going to Durrës on the coast to discuss how Albania could benefit from increased tourism and a more efficient trade with a tour of the Port of Durrës. A short drive up the coast to Lezhë would have a few local Albanians being visited by Leka II in honouring Skanderbeg a local hero.

Sokoto Daily Tribune / June 9th, 2023

Fire in the Delta Leave 40 Homeless, 3 Dead
A residential fire ripped through the small village of Abajo turning it all to cinder, leaving the population wondering where to go and who would help them. The blaze began at 4:00 AM yesterday, cause still unknown, in the southern edge of the village and quickly push through the town, turning into a raging inferno by the time the UFA arrived from the city of Auchi. The third of these infernos since restructuring and downsizing of the UFA in the Delta region, the UFA declined an interview, but mentioned an ongoing investigation into response times and the allocation of equipment.

Diamond Cement Stock Buoyed by Strong Earnings
Following release of it's latest Earnings Report stock prices have risen 2%. "The continued growth of cities in the south region have increased demand and promoted strong growth in this sector" the report states. Capitalizing on these long-term trends Diamond Cement has petitioned for 2 new plants to open in Ibadan and Akure, and has increased shifts in three more nearby plants.

OP-ED - Agricultural Policy: The Haves and the Have-nots
Adaeze is a simple farmer near Lakoja, for generations his family has tended the small plot to provide enough for themselves and their neighbors, but government policy is leaving people like them in the dust in favor of large agricultural firms. Under the new Policy families like Adaeze's don't see a singe Naira, but next door the profitable lands owned by AgriSouth will see as much as a 10% subsidy to their production. Year after year hundreds of local small holders pack up their farms and sell to these favored giants.

"It's a shame... 15 years ago their were over a hundred of here, not there maybe a dozen." Adaeze mourned "If things don't change I won't be one of them for long."

Most of those have moved to nearby Lakoja, exacerbating the growing pains of that city, and contributing to it's squalor. Sokoto calls this the necessary transitions, that cheap food and growth require this sacrifice. But it doesn't have to be this way. Prior to the 1980s the government seemed just fine subsidizing all farmers, even as it sought to improve agricultural conditions and grow yields.