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«12. . .92,02492,02592,02692,02792,02892,02992,030. . .92,04992,050»

        THE EMPIRE OF IRAN
        
        امپراتوری ایران

      ______

      IRANIAN LIGHT INDUSTRY SPARKS NEW HOPE AMONG THE POOR
      FAZLOLLAH ZAHEDI ADMINISTRATION | TEHRAN, APRIL 1951

    The sudden appointment of General Fazlollah Zahedi as Prime Minister came much as confusion than general outrage as General Fazlollah Zahedi himself was a moderate, Iranian nationalist, and an economic populist to a degree as he still remained absolutely loyal to the Pahlavi Crown. Although a very stern exterior, Prime Minister Fazlollah Zahedi's economic populist nature came into fruition with direct approvals for a portion of oil revenue to be directed toward the construction and development of significant light industrial zones to expand specialized workers and maintain the course of diversifying the Iranian economy. Prime Minister Fazlollah Zahedi has gone on the record explaining that "energy resources and revenue will not dictate Iranian policy. It will reinforce our decisions and provide support to projects and programs intended to alleviate poverty and struggle among the lower classes of our nation and produce a working society of equity and achievement."

    The Romeyleh-ye Olya Freight & Light Industrial Corridor has been approved to extend from Romeyleh-ye Olya to the Iranian Bay, where the newly approved Cyaxares Freight Dockyard has been designated, and Bandar-e Deylam, where the Astyages Freight Dockyard has been designated for construction. Both dockyards will include storage facilities, transportation and logistic facilities, and communications facilities. The Romeyleh-ye Olya Freight & Light Industrial Corridor will prioritize the development of paper made products, plastic, leather-based products, textiles, and household electric appliances. In addition to this corridor, a second corridor called the Bushehr Freight & Industrial Estate has been approved to expand the production of Iranian electronics, processed chemical products, and pharmaceuticals production. The freight component to both the corridors are in reference to a new rail network between Romeyleh-ye Olya and Bushehr to connect both Industrial zones along the Iranian coastline. With Bushehr labeled as a major freight dockyard city, the Iranian Constituent Assembly has approved the Bushehr provincial government's request for an expansion of the coastal city's dockyard to ensure proper infrastructure to handle expanded cargo tonnage. Additionally both Corridors will be connected to the city of Shiraz via two rapid transit systems and a new railway for the transport of minerals, products, and manufactured components to be sent to new assembly plants.

    The second component to this is the establishment of two new major logistic hubs. As explained to the Iranian Constituent Assembly, these logistics hubs will operate as the central points for logistics operations in designated areas in which they are located. The hubs are intended to bring together several different companies and government ventures that perform tasks related to the flow of goods, all of which mutually benefit from being in the same place. The first logistic hub will be in Shiraz and the second logistic hub is designated to Isfahan. Both logistical hubs will coordinate with public and private entities to ensure successful governance and strengthening of procurement logistics, production logistics, sales logistics, recovery logistics, transportation logistics, and recycling logistics. Part of this initiative comes with recent legislation regarding financial reforms, employment schemes, training initiatives, and recent trade relations that will require a significant increase in Iranian logistic networks. The Iranian Constituent Assembly has further announced that a total of 10 special investment nodes to be created by the government that would support manufacturing, however, any type of industry could be established at this business, industry, and science zones. The main role of these hubs is to facilitate businesses, set up their factories quickly without any hiccups in land acquisition and resources, and providing cheap, fast, and efficient transportation to ports and the rest of the nation. The government would play the role of the facilitator to encourage businesses to invest more by providing a "stable environment".

      The Kingdom of Greece, Greek Annexation of Part of North Epirus : Tsaldaris Confirms that Greece is Not an Ally of the Communists!, April 1951
      Το Βασίλειο της Ελλάδος, Ελληνική προσάρτηση τμήματος της Βορείου Ηπείρου : Ο Τσαλδάρης επιβεβαιώνει ότι η Ελλάδα δεν είναι σύμμαχος των κομμουνιστών!, Απρίλιος 1951

        Adriatican Islands, Ranponian and OsivoII - The Greek, Yugoslav and Soviet Armed Forces! - Οι ελληνικές, γιουγκοσλαβικές και σοβιετικές ένοπλες δυνάμεις!

      | RETURN OF NORTHERN EPIRUS, THE NEW ALBANIAN BORDER, GREECE, SOUTHERN BALKANS: | ΕΠΙΣΤΡΟΦΉ ΤΗΣ ΒΟΡΕΙΟΗΠΕΊΡΟΥ, ΤΑ ΝΈΑ ΑΛΒΑΝΙΚΆ ΣΎΝΟΡΑ, ΕΛΛΆΔΑ, ΝΌΤΙΑ ΒΑΛΚΆΝΙΑ: |

    | The Yugoslavian and Soviet Liberation of Albania had initially come as a shock to the Greek government and its people. The regime under Albanian Dictator Enever Hoxha was thought to be an ally, however, this liberation proves the opposite. At 13:00 on the 9th of April, Prime Minister Konstantinos Tsaldaris gave orders to protect Greeks in the region of Northern Epirus, however, he made it clear that only part of the region would be protected. Jumping at the opportunity to defend the community of Greeks in Northern Epirus, 20,000 men of the Greek 10th Mountain Division marched into Albania to protect the Greeks from the Hoxha regime. Following just a day of little to no fighting, and with under 5 deaths, the men had successfully protected the region, specifically the following towns; Vërvë, Konispol, Çiflig, Shalës, Mursi, Vagalat, Zarrë, Shëndëlli, and Ksamil. The region was occupied by Greek troops right until the Yugoslavian and Soviet Liberation was over when proposals to annex the region were put forward. |

    | The Greek Government under Tsaldaris had specifically given orders to the troops to not leave the region until instructed to do so. Tough decisions were ahead for the government, along with criticisms from other nations, particularly from the United Tribes of Azania (Nonador), and most surprisingly, Greece's stead resolute allies, the Slovene Republic (Amsterwald), however in Slovenia's case, only slight skepticism. Amidst these troubles, the Greek Defense Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis issued a statement that was released internationally. |

      "I want to make this clear and I want to make this clear now. Greece is not siding with the communists. Our duty in Albania is to protect the ethnic Greek and Greek minorities in the region, and we are not invading, simply protecting. We wish to not cut our ties with our Slovenian allies and NATO, we are doing what is right in our eyes. No war crimes have been committed - it is simply armed protection of Greeks."

        - Greek Defense Minister, Konstantinos Karamanlis

    | On the 13th of April, now almost a week after Greek troops were stationed in Northern Epirus, a decision was made by the Greek government. The region of Northern Epirus, to be more specific, Vërvë, Konispol, Çiflig, Shalës, Mursi, Vagalat, Zarrë, Shëndëlli, and Ksamil, would be annexed by the Kingdom of Greece. The newly annexed lands would be incorporated would be now classified as the Greek Region of Northern Epirus, or the Ελληνική Περιφέρεια Βόρειος Ήπειρος. The lands were now Greek once more, and the general population was now protected. The annexation of the land was met with cheers from Athens, followed by a small-scale military parade through the streets of Athens. Proposals are currently underway to perhaps give the new Greek region higher levels of autonomy - a new modernized model of the Autonomous Republic of Northern Epirus, the name of the former region before it was stripped away from Greece. |

    https://images-ext-1.discordapp.net/external/3pGjarW0QCoKHoNtjZof7QSpHrWqpg_Ep0WRldOqrpo/https/i.imgur.com/ZfGx3an.png - (Map of the New Lands)

      | WE ARE NOT COMMUNISTS!, ATHENS, GREECE, SOUTHERN BALKANS: | | ΔΕΝ ΕΊΜΑΣΤΕ ΚΟΜΜΟΥΝΙΣΤΈΣ!, ΑΘΉΝΑ, ΕΛΛΆΔΑ, ΝΌΤΙΑ ΒΑΛΚΆΝΙΑ:

    | What was an ever harder task was justifying Greece's protection, even more so since it was taking advantage of a communist liberation. In January 1951, Greece joined the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, but now that Greece was thought to have 'cooperated' with the communist, there was some skepticism. Greece's government, which had adjusted itself out following Tsaldaris' second term as prime minister of Greece. Greece was not a communist ally - simply protecting the welfare and security of the long-oppressed and separated Greeks, and taking advantage of the communist liberation to quickly protect the lands. Tsaldaris, along with Karamanlis, had made it clear that Greece had no intentions of having any form of alliance with the communist, and the furthest the government would go was to recognize the new Yugoslavian lands. Greece is to remain in the Western sphere of influence, period. |

        THE EMPIRE OF IRAN
        
        امپراتوری ایران

      ______

      IRANIAN FINANCIAL REJUVENATION AND ACCOUNTABILITY ACT
      FAZLOLLAH ZAHEDI ADMINISTRATION | TEHRAN, APRIL 1951


    The
    IRANIAN FINANCIAL REJUVENATION AND ACCOUNTABILITY ACT
    قانون جوانسازی مالی و پاسخگویی ایران


    On the Implementation of New Financial Institutions and Government Accountability Toward State-Guided Free Market Enterprise
    در مورد اجرای موسسات مالی جدید و پاسخگویی دولت در قبال بنگاه های بازار آزاد تحت هدایت دولت

    15 April 1951

    The Iranian Constituency Assembly have hereby approved the joint initiative of the Ministry of the Economy and the Ministry of Finance and Industry a series of initiatives aimed toward reconstruction and modernization of the Iranian fiscal, monetary, and tax institutions that will guarantee proper economic expansion, enhancement, and progression. From previous policies implemented so far, the Iranian domestic market has demonstrated hints of expansion and new equilibriums.

    The Ministry of the Economy shall implement a proactive fiscal policy to optimize the structure of government expenditures and use government funds more efficiently while the Ministry of Finance and Industry will improve tax policies that encourage structural adjustments to strengthen local government debt management and promote sustainable agricultural development while advancing urbanization. Both Ministries will establish joint agencies and new departments with Assembly commissions to refine the medical and health care and social security systems and give impetus to the reform and development of education, science and technology, and culture. It has been deemed an important goal to improve the structure of central government investment in capital construction and to continue to review and regulate charges and fees to reduce the burden on businesses. The Iranian government moves to establish the Railway Development Fund to attract social capital into the railway construction, especially in central, western, and southern regions of the Empire. Moreover, both Ministries will work to support the pilot and demonstration projects to build new types of urbanization via promoting the use of the Public and Private Partnership (PPP) model and encourage the involvement of nongovernmental capital in investing and operating urban infrastructure by means of franchises and other means. The Prime Minister has hereby signaled to leverage the role of development projects to finance and accelerate redevelopment of shanty towns while exploring new ways to establish national guidance funds for venture capital in emerging industries to encourage and guide the development of production-oriented service industries.


    Transformation of Economic Growth Pattern
    تغییر الگوی رشد اقتصادی

    Boosting domestic demand is both a major force driving economic growth and an important structural adjustment. Iran will fully leverage the basic role of consumption and the key role of investment, focusing on boosting consumption and stimulating both supply and demand to establish a permanent mechanism for increasing domestic demand. The Iranian Constituency Assembly shall take and use investment as the key to maintaining stable economic growth. Through such actions, the government shall promote actively and steadily the collective negotiations of wages in enterprises, adjust appropriately the minimum wage standards, and promote the reasonable increase of wages for normal employees. Furthermore, new economic initiatives shall seek an increase in the income for farmers by continuing to increase spending on “agriculture, rural areas and farmers”, improving the subsidy policy for agriculture, and environment for farmers to go out to work elsewhere.

    Bank Melli Iran will comprehensively use a combination of monetary policy tools on both quantity and price basis, improve macro-prudential policy framework, maintain liquidity at an appropriate level, achieve appropriate growth of monetary supply, credit and aggregate social financing, and improve the structure of financing and credit. Moreover, monetary policy will be closely linked with the deepening reform and the market is to play a decisive role in resource allocation. The macro-management shall be further improved in light of the financial deepening within market innovation and enlargement schemes. Iranian financial services are to be enhanced by increased supply and competition in order to consummate and promote a higher efficiency of financial transactions and greater capability of serving the real economy. The Ministry of the Economy, with approval from Prime Minister and cooperation from Bank Melli Iran, will accelerate the construction of an urban and rural social security system, expand the coverage of insurances, and gradually raise the level of social insurance.


    Additional Iranian Economic Initiatives
    ابتکارات اقتصادی اضافی ایران

    1) Strengthen services of elderly care, and encourage participation of private sector in establishing large and chain elderly care facilities.
    2) Support NGO capital to establish non-profitable medical service institutions, and expand gradually the pilot scope for qualified foreign capital to set up wholly-owned medical institutions.
    3) Establish and improve modern market for cultural products, and promote cultural creativity as well as relevant industries.
    4) Strengthen tourism infrastructure, introduce the system of annual leaves with pay for employees, encourage the development of tourism in rural areas and recreational tourism.
    Fiscal and Tax Institution Reform:

      A. The goal of the reform is to set up a unified, comprehensive, law-based, well-regulated, open, transparent, sustainable and efficient modern fiscal system that is conducive to better resources allocation, market unification, social equality and national stability. The reform focuses on 3 areas: improving budget management system, strengthening budget constraints, regulating government behaviors, exercising effective supervision, and speeding up the establishment of a comprehensive, well-regulated, open and transparent modern budgetary system; deepening tax reform, optimizing tax structure, improving tax functions, stabilizing macro tax burden, advancing law-based tax administration, building a tax system that is conducive to scientific development, social equality, and market unification, giving full play to the tax functions in raising fiscal revenue, adjusting distribution, and optimizing economic structure; adjusting fiscal relations between the central and local governments while keeping the distribution of revenues stable, dividing power and spending responsibilities between central and local governments in a rational manner, establishing a system whereby power matches spending responsibilities

    5) Implement a preferential policy of deferred payment of individual income tax to encourage the development of annuity plans in enterprises and public institutions

      A. employers and individuals’ contributions to enterprise annuity or occupational annuity within the limit are deductible for individual income tax purpose; i investment income from enterprise annuity or occupational annuity funds is exempt from individual income tax; benefits payments of enterprise annuity or occupational annuity actually received by individuals will be subject to individual income tax.

    6) Advance coal resource tax reform from volume-based collection to ad valorem based collection

      A. At present, apart from petroleum and natural gas, resource tax on coal, iron ore and other items remains volume-based. Going forward, Iran will gradually review and cancel the fees and charges related to coal resources, and deepen the reform of levying price-based resource tax on coal.

    7) Implement a comprehensive government financial reporting system

      A. Iran will establish government accounting standards system, formulate government financial reports system, and prepare accrual basis government financial report in order to reflect the government financial situation in an accurate and comprehensive way, and provide effective information for fiscal risk prevention, government credit rating as well as performance supervision and assessment to promote sustainable development of finance and economy.

    8) Implement a comprehensive government financial reporting system

      A. A trial program has been launched in 10 provinces, which permits them to issue bonds and repay debt by themselves in 1961 (ten-year deadline for repayment of loans) under the precondition that the State Senate in coordination with the National Bank of Iran controls the volume and duration of such bonds. In the following years, the trial will be gradually expanded based on the experience of these trials.

    9) Fiscal system reform:

      A. Iran will accelerate the pace in adjusting duties and payment responsibilities of the central and local governments. Iran will appropriately strengthen the duties and payment responsibilities on the basis of transforming government functions and properly defining the boundary between government and the market. While maintaining overall stability of current financial structure between central and local governments, Iran will further rationalize the revenue allocation between central and local governments in line with the tax reform and nature of tax items.

    10) Fiscal system reform

      A. 3 % VAT rate will replace previous rates on particular general taxpayers such as tap water supply and small hydro-power plants

    خداوند امپراتوری ایران را حفظ کند. خدا رحمت کنه شاه رو

    Read factbook


    (CCP) People’s Republic of China / (CCP) 中华人民共和国

    THE NATIONAL SECURITY APPARATUS IS FORMALIZED BY CHAIRMAN MAO ZEDONG TO ENSURE NATIONAL STABILITY!
    国家安全机构是毛泽东主席为确保国家稳定而正式建立的!

    January 1951 | 1951年1月




      BEIJING, CAPITAL REGION | 北京,首都地区

      Upon his entry into office as Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the de facto head of state of the new People’s Republic of China, Chairman Mao Tse-Tung issued several proclamations for the process of stabilizing the country. A temporary Council of the People’s Commissars would be established to train hardline Communist supporters to become People’s Commissars, whose stated intention will be to reach out to the masses and educate the people of China on the policies, ideologies and manifestos of the new regime in Beijing. The Commissars, however, would be recognized in private as a key element of the process of suppressing remaining Nationalist elements, whether it be physically or politically. Of course, remnants of supporters of Sun Yat-Sen and Chiang Kai-shek still remained, and it was clear that these disloyal persons were a threat to the stability of the new People’s Republic.

      Seeking instead to build up the image of himself and the Communist Party, Chairman Mao would prioritize the holding of massive military parades and the reforming of education systems to implement a Maoist ideology into the future generations of Chinese citizens. This would be portrayed to the public as a necessary reform to the education system to ‘support the future generations of our great nation in their endeavors to work tirelessly for the motherland and for their country’. All the while, in the background, the Council of People’s Commissars, supported by stronger internal security forces, would ensure national stability through the compliance of citizens and potential former or current supporters of the Nationalist regime, which at this point had fled barely to Formosa, which the Chinese Government recognized as a ‘breakway province’.

      By 1951, however, the Chairman and his governing special committees would understand the need to formalize these national security and national stability elements to further Communist ideology and prevent unwanted forces from gaining too much traction. Chairman Mao would immediately convene the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference - one of the leading legislative bodies of the new People’s Republic - in early January to discuss the matter of national stability and internal security. With unanimous approval by the end of the first week of January, the Chairman would sign a proclamation formalizing the establishment of a national security apparatus, that would be based on the following hierarchy:

        The Chinese People’s National Security Consultative Conference (中国人民国家安全协商会议)
        
        Special People’s Security Commission (特别人民安全委员会)
        
        Council of the People’s Special Commissars (人民特派员委员会)
        
        The Chinese People’s Law and Internal Order Consultative Assembly (中国人民法律和内部秩序协商会议 )

      The National Security Consultative Conference had been formed by a previous proclamation on the reforming of the leadership structure of the People’s Liberation Army, and has now been bestowed the responsibility of managing internal security and the national stability apparatus. Subordinate would be the Special People’s Security Commission, the Council of People’s Special Commissars, and the People’s Law and Internal Order Consultative Assembly. The latter most would see the chiefs of law enforcement, internal security and political and security commissars sit in a consultative assembly through which they can communicate with the Central People’s Government in Beijing.

      The proclamation would be approved unanimously by the People’s Revolutionary Military Commission, the Government Administration Council of the Central People’s Government, and other involved decision-making bodies, and would be signed once more by the Chairman on 16 January.

      毛泽东主席作为中国共产党(CCP)主席和新的中华人民共和国的实际国家元首上任后,为稳定国家的进程发布了几项公告。将成立一个临时的人民委员委员会,以培训强硬的共产党支持者成为人民委员,其公开的意图是接触群众,并对中国人民进行北京新政权的政策、意识形态和宣言的教育。然而,政委们将在私下里被认为是镇压剩余国民党分子过程中的一个关键因素,无论是在物质上还是政治上。当然,孙中山和蒋介石的残余支持者仍然存在,而且很明显,这些不忠的人对新的人民共和国的稳定构成了威胁。


    🇨🇳 🇨🇳 🇨🇳

JANEŽ AND BLATNIK SHOT, FILIPIČ KILLED IN SOVIET-BACKED POLITICAL VIOLENCE; RADICALISM FLARES

    DEFIANCE AMONG AN ENDANGERED PEOPLE
    SLOVENIA—MAY 1951

An airplane streaked with a deep blue livery and six-pointed stars adorned freshly laid tarmac. At Ljubljana’s Matija Majar Airport—an early Marshall Plan project hailed as an architectural and logistical success—Slovenia’s finest came and went from the capital of a newborn nation. Traffic was still easily over-accommodated by the airport’s generous facilities; even with rises in tourism and air traffic, flights only arrived every hour or half-hour. When brigadier general Ferdinand Janež returned from successfully negotiating an artillery deal with Azania (Nonador), he thus had time to deliver a speech just outside his aircraft to a crowd of press. It was no occasion of special enthusiasm—Slovenia had secured a modest shipment of outdated field guns in Azanian surplus—and the crowd was thin on the hazy May morning Janež returned. One wiry, black-haired man had still made himself unnoticed, though this was to the general’s peril; the half-Serbian Budimir Filipović was armed and lethally so. Janež had only droned out a few words before two gunshots whipped towards him, striking the coincidentally named colonel Bojslav Filipič—who had been acting as a lieutenant to the general in the negotiations—in the neck and painfully, though non-lethally, piercing Janež himself through the side. The two collapsed on their wooden stage, blood pooling as military security leaped for Filipović. Filipič was dead before Filipović was handcuffed, though that should not dim how hastily the young assassin would be executed just weeks later.

Only minutes afterward, yet half a country away, assemblyman Borut Blatnik (Greater Kurdistane) spoke to radical crowds in a square in Beljak (formerly Austrian Villach). The Slovene nationalist legislator was a leading spokesman of the Slovene National Party, or SNS, and was attracting heightened crowds following the Yugoslav invasion of Albania. One among them, though, was there in malice for Blatnik: Blatnik, too, was only beginning when gunshots from a nearby balcony sent lead ripping through him. As Blatnik staggered to safety, the assailant absconded with impressive haste through a building he had broken into earlier in the day, but the 20-year-old gunman—Aleksej Likar—did not evade Slovene security for more than an hour before being caught in a nearby Carinthian town. He, too, met Filipović’s fate before a firing squad. Neither he nor Filipović were handed over to a courtroom so hastily, however, as to preclude the possibility of intense interrogation. The Slovene Security Service (SVS) of piercing-eyed counterintelligence officer Vladimir Vauhnik was famously perceptive: it was the Republic’s neutripajoče oko, or ‘unblinking eye’, which had relentlessly pursued known communists after the Second World War. Known for often overstepping the boundaries of privacy for security’s sake, the SVS should have prevented the death of Filipič and the grievous woundings of Janež and Blatnik to justify its reach. Vauhnik had to seal the Republic’s gaps to keep his position—affiliates of Filipović and Likar were thus ruthlessly pursued and funding was successfully secured from the Slovene cabinet for expanded informant rings. Rigorous checks were made within the organization, shaking every level in the hunt for underperforming or wavering employees.

Altogether, investigations overwhelmingly pointed toward Soviet (OsivoII) and Soviet-affiliated contacts. Money, means and motive were all Soviet-supplied, and a sharp political reaction followed. Donations and support flowed in from around the country for assemblyman Blatnik, whose office received over one hundred letters in the week following the assassination attempt. The Slovene National Party announced a record level of membership applications and rallies swelled in Beljak demanding crackdowns on leftists. The party headquarters of Levica were subject to intense protests that often involved verbal harassment, and members of its socialist community reported plainclothes agents visiting them at strange hours of the night, asking intrusive questions and making cryptic comments. These complaints were publicly disregarded, however. Over ten thousand mourners gathered for the funeral of colonel Filipič in his Upper Carniolan town of Škofja Loka, with visitors streaming in and flying black-colored Slovenian banners. The motto of the Slovene Republic—Nočemo umreti! (“We refuse to die!”)—appeared on headlines, banners and shop windows around the country along with a colorful range of nationalistic slogans. Police monitored assemblies around the country for anti-Republic statements, unashamedly searching selectively for undesirable messages and pamphletry. With Yugoslavia on the march and Soviet agents afoot, the only mood in Slovenia was reactionary.

    “I do not care for my own wounds—it is those of the Great Slovene Nation that worry me. And brothers, do you not see those wounds before you? Do you not see the Soviet agents that are seeping into our nation, infecting our culture and identity? They will infiltrate your place of work, your friends, and even your very family! Now is a time to be vigilant, my friends. Seek out the Bolshevik devil and destroy him, I beg you, before he destroys our Great Slovene Nation!”
    Borut Blatnik in a statement from Beljak Regional Hospital, May 1951

      MAY 1951
      Labour Day

     N A T I O N A L  C E L E B R A T I O N 

        It is the duty of men who militate in all
        sectors of public life, in all spheres of
        Government, in all party associations,
        to dedicate their efforts to the good
        of the People.

    RIO DE JANEIRO, ESTÁDIO SĂO JANUÁRIO — MORNINGTIME
    THE UNITED STATES OF Brazil Toucan

    | LABOUR DAY has already started with great joy at ESTÁDIO SĂO JANUÁRIO, with a crowd of people waving the Brazilian flags. Further ahead, waving to the public, is PRESIDENT GETÚLIO VARGAS, escorted by the police. The presidential car continued for a few more kilometers. The PRESIDENT got out of the car and some police officers controlled the crowd. Meanwhile, Getúlio was waving to the people. Having already prepared his speech, the PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC addressed the WORKERS OF BRAZIL. |

      | GETÚLIO VARGAS, PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC | “Brazilian Workers: After almost 6 years away from the presidency, during which I never forgot the image and memory of a long and grateful relationship I had with you, here I am again. And to say that I came back with the aim of defending the most legitimate interests of the people and promoting essential measures for the well-being of workers.”

    | Before continuing his speech, he pauses for a brief moment and looks at the crowd around him. |

      | GETÚLIO VARGAS, PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC | “This 1st of May party has a symbolic expression for you and me: it is the first day of the meeting between the workers and the new government. And it is with deep emotion that I return to you in this atmosphere of joy and national celebration. In which the government speaks to the people from friend to friend in the simple and loyal language that I have always spoken to you. In times of glory and triumph, as well as in times of suffering and persecution, workers have always been faithful.”

    | When he turns the page of the speech, people cheer gleefully. |

      | GETÚLIO VARGAS, PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC | “And I can repeat today, with all my heart, what I have proclaimed more than once: the workers have never let me down. They never approached me to vie for private interests or personal favors. They have always fought for the collectivity to which they belong, for the recognition of their rights, for the improvement of their living conditions and for the well-being of their fellow human beings. When I retired from public life and spent years forgotten by those who celebrated me in power, you workers never forgot me; and there, in my solitude, not only did the distant echo of your desires and your dishonored rights reach me, but also the appeal of your hearts and the image of your tired faces from everyday work, turned towards me, in a touching gesture of hope and longing.”

      “Here I am by your side again, and I want to assure you that, today as yesterday, I will be with you. And it is with you that I intend to rebuild the Brazil of tomorrow. The October 3 elections, in which popular suffrage brought me back to power, have a decisive significance in Brazilian life. They showed not only the desire and ability of the people of our country to participate directly and actively in government; it was also the first time in the history of Brazil that the people actually elected their president, amidst the plurality of candidates and oblivious to all regional, municipal or even party political influences. Because I wasn’t strictly a party candidate: I was a people’s candidate, a workers’ candidate. I will therefore govern with these people who elected me, and I will always make every effort to provide them with the greatest possible amount of comfort, security, and well-being.”

    | The PRESIDENT VARGAS concludes his speech on Labour Day, with the crowd in front of him applauding enthusiastically, in his expression of joy, Getúlio waved to the people. People started waving Brazilian flags again as the PRESIDENT walked through the crowd. Some experts wonder what the new government’s reaction will be to the economic crisis caused by the Dutra government, where huge amounts of money were spent to protect foreign investment, including from the U.S. |

    May 1951
    The Thirty-Six

T H E   T R A I L B L A Z I N G   T H I R T Y - S I X

    In 1951, an estimated 9.0% of the composition of the Bundestag -
    or thirty-six members - are female. Since the victory of the German women's
    suffrage movement in 1920, the females in government have risen steadily, and
    despite interruption during the War, this growth continues to take place as 
    progressive movements begin entering mainstream German society.

BUNDESTAG WOMEN'S CONVENTION, MUSEUM KOENIG, BONN, New Provenance
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY

| The passage of the ELECTORAL ACT of 1918 formally granted the right to vote in elections and the right to stand as a candidate for public office in elections to female German citizens was hailed as a massive step forward in the women's equality movement in Germany. The Weimar Constitution of 1919 re-affirmed this, guaranteeing equality in education, selection for civil service appointments and equal pay in all professions between both genders. In 1926, 32 members of the Reichstag were women - about 6.7% in total. This number would be higher than female representation numbers from the U.K., the U.S. or other Western countries. This number would rise to 35 in 1933, on the eve of the advent of Volkism, which would see the reversal of the gains made by the equality movement especially during the Weimar era. The establishment of the Bundesrepublik and the new Bundestag would see the return of the women's representation seen during the Weimar Republic - under the Bundestag of 1951, it would be 9.0% female - the highest number for Germany on record, and particularly high for Western Europe. This would comprise THIRTY-SIX WOMEN in the Bundestag - commonly referred to in the media as the — |

    DIE ZEIT - THE TRAILBLAZING THIRTY-SIX: BASTIONS OF PROGRESSIVISM IN THE NEW FEDERAL REPUBLIC

| Previously, the number was thirty-five - but with the election of Sophie Scholl to the constituency of Hohenlohe in Baden-Wurttemburg in a snap election earlier this year, the number was increased by one. Scholl, herself a center-left independent voter who generally voted for CDU/CSU candidates, upon her entry into the Bundestag declared that she would not be joining the government or the opposition, and chose instead to sit in the 'neutral zone' alongside the other independent candidates and a group of moderate FDP members, who generally voted with the government anyway. |

| The thirty-six women in the Bundestag would be organized across party lines under the Bundestag Women's Convention, the equivalent to a 'caucus'. Majority of the members would be affiliated with the Social Democratic Party (SPD), which despite committed to appealing to male-dominated labor unions still saw greater female representation than ever before, which would be the party with the highest number of female members in the Bundestag. The CDU/CSU and FDP would also have women members of the Convention, which many political scientists have deemed as vital in the building of multipartisan bridges between the government and the sole opposition party - the SPD. The Women's Convention would meet twice a month to discuss legislative matters and especially how best to push forward more equality legislation in the Bundestag, however with a prominent majority of the legislature still controlled by politicians from the 'old order', it was unlikely that any major progressive legislation of that type would be able to pass without great difficulty. |

| Aside from being a vital multipartisan bridge, the Bundestag Women's Convention would also be a firm backer of other progressive social policies, especially ones that opened up the flood gates to allow more female representation in business leadership, politics and more. Already, women are a greater portion of the electorate than ever in the postwar, and with the sudden change in the sociopolitical nature of the country, questions about the greater role of women in politics and greater German society were already being brought up en masse. The debate over the role of women in German society was clearly on, and the Women's Convention would crucially be actively endeavoring to secure and maintain support among the public and other sway-able legislators to keep the fight against traditional elements going. Thankfully, senior members of the government - including key Cabinet ministers and some say even the Bundeskanzler himself - were in favor of seeing greater political and economic representation of women. |

    "We must follow in the example of great, progressive nations like Zaire, which has endeavored to allow both man and woman to prosper and work together, put their minds and soul together, to build a better nation that properly represents and embodies all who lives within. That is the Germany we are striving for."

| The growing influence of women in the voting electorate, in political representation, and even in the growing economy of Germany could be a decisive factor moving forward into the 1950s, which many say could be a decade of major social and political change for Germany as the second ever federal election approaches, and the world solidifies itself further into East and West. |

    여름 1951 | 1951 May
      Korea | 한국

        CAPTURE OF KAESONG AND HAEJU

      | The methodical march north being conducted by Republic of Korean forces has resulted in some early victories as the tide of the war changes dramatically, with the 38th Parallel now heavily defended by the regrouped UN forces the forces of the RoK have begun their slow push north. The 5th and 6th armies have begun pushing up the eastern coastal road heading towards the city of Wonsan; having already captured the towns of Kosong and Kumsong near the border. These early victories have spurred the morale of the RoK army; the 5th and 6th armies are now bogged down in the push towards the town of Tongchon. The town is heavily defended by KPA forces that have entrenched in order to repel any possible push towards the city of Wonson. |

      | A constant barrage of artillery fire is sent in both directions as the two opposing forces attempt to break each other's morale. RoK forces are confident that they’ll ‘liberate’ Wonson by the beginning of June; although this confidence seems misplaced with the entrenchment of KPA forces who seem unlikely to give up the town anytime soon to stop the onward march of the RoK towards Wonson. Following the disorganised retreat from the Pusan Perimeter the KPA have regathered some of their strength, Premier Kang has ordered the ultimate defence of Wonson to prevent southern forces then pushing west towards Pyongyang. |

      | Meanwhile in the west of the peninsula the push onwards has been considered a much easier task, the RoK army has taken full advantage of the KPAs chaotic retreat. At the outbreak of war Kaesong was under southern control and is considered a key industrial area for the country, although Seoul was recaptured, Kaesong was initially still under northern control. The RoK has since pushed into the city of Kaesong recapturing it from a demoralised KPA defence force, taking only a week to fully capture the city. A secondary force split off from the main RoK army to march further west towards the city of Haeju, a city which allegedly started the whole conflict when southern forces occupied the city in June. |

      | The city of Haeju was defended by a small but well equipped KPA defence force consisting of roughly four-hundred trained fighters and a further five-hundred loyalist volunteers. The RoK having not expected to meet a such a well equipped force rushed in quickly in an attempt to stop themselves becoming bogged down on the outskirts of the city, this however backfired as the troops became stuck fighting in the suburbs of the city, the ideal environment for the well trained KPA fighters many of whom were formerly guerilla’s in the anti-Japanese campaign. |

      | After several weeks of fighting to liberate the city; and some significant reinforcements from the main force of Kaesong, the city was largely captured. Small pockets of underground resistance fighters are still active in the area, being responsible for the deaths of several military personnel. The battle to push into Haeju was a wake up call to the South Korean leadership that the road to Pyongyang and northern surrender would be a long campaign on their own, and there was no sign that the UN forces planned to push north of the 38th. Even if the south was victorious and managed to unify the peninsula it was unlikely that the war would truly be over unless the communists themselves saw some sort of concessions and guarantees from the southern regime. |

Massive update to my military factbook, now with links to specific sections, general clean up, and updated equipment section. My code is free to use if you please. Air force section to be updated next.

Royal Armed Forces of Afghanistan
نیروهای مسلح شاهنشاهی ایران


Banner of the War Ministry


Ensign of the War Ministry

Founded

c. 1722

Service branches

Afghan Royal Army (ARA)
Royal Afghan Air Force (ARAF)
Afghan Royal Gendarmerie (ARG)
Afghan National Istikhbarat (ANI)

Headquarters

Darul Aman Palace, Kabul

Leadership

The Shah
Supreme Commander

𝓩𝓪𝓱𝓲𝓻 𝓢𝓱𝓪𝓱

Ministry of War

Mohammed Daoud Khan

Chief of the General Staff

Gen. Sadin Shahwani

Director General of the Afghan Army

MG. Serkay Khan

Chief of the Air Service

Gen. Shair Mohammad

Manpower

Conscription

15

Active personnel

60,000 (1950)

Reserve personnel

10,000 (1950)

Expenditures

Percentage of GDP

UNDISCLOSED

War Record

1st Anglo-Afghan War

Victory (1839–1842)

2nd Anglo-Afghan War

Defeat (1878–1880)

3rd Anglo-Afghan War

Inconclusive (1919)

Urtatagai Conflict

Peace Deal (1925–1926)

1st Afghan Civil War

Victory (1928–1929)

1944 Tribal Revolts

Victory (1944–1947)


Historically, Afghans have served in the army of the Ghaznavids (963–c.1187), Ghurids (1148–1215), Delhi Sultanate (1206–1527), and the Mughals (1526–1858). The Afghan National Army traces its origin to the early 18th century when the Hotak dynasty rose to power in Kandahar and defeated the Persian Safavid Empire at the Battle of Gulnabad in 1722. When Ahmad Shah Durrani formed the Durrani Empire in 1747, tribes were responsible for providing troops to the king. The only national army during Ahmad Shah's time consisted of small groups that functioned as royal bodyguards. The Afghan Army fought many battles in the Punjab region of India during the 19th century. One of the famous battles was the 1761 Battle of Panipat, in which the Afghan army decisively defeated the Hindu Maratha Empire. The Afghans then fought with the Sikh Empire until finally, the Sikh Marshal Hari Singh Nalwa died, and Sikh conquests stopped. In 1839, the British successfully invaded Afghanistan and installed the exiled Shah Shujah Durrani into power. Their occupation of Afghanistan was challenged after Dost Mohammad's son, Wazir Akbar Khan, and the forces he led revolted against the occupying British. By October 1841, disaffected Afghan tribes were flocking to support Wazir Akbar Khan in Bamian. The success of Akbar Khan's uprising led to the 1842 retreat from Kabul, where the Afghan army decimated British forces, thanks to the effective use of the rugged terrain and weapons such as the Jezail.

At the outbreak of the Second Anglo-Afghan War (1878–80), Ali Ahmad Jalali cites sources saying that the regular army was about 50,000 strong and consisted of 62 infantry and 16 cavalry regiments, with 324 guns mostly organized in horse and mountain artillery batteries. Jalali writes, '..although Amir Shir Ali Khan (1863–78) is widely credited for founding the modern Afghan Army, it was only under Abdur Rahman that it became a viable and effective institution.' The Library of Congress Country Study for Afghanistan states that when Abdur Rahman came to the throne.

"..the army was virtually nonexistent. With the assistance of a liberal financial loan from the British, plus their aid in the form of weapons, ammunition, and other military supplies, [Abdur Rahman] began a 20-year task of creating a respectable regular force by instituting measures that formed the long-term basis of the military system. These included increasing the equalization of military obligation by setting up a system known as the hasht nafari (whereby one man in every eight between the ages of 20 and 40 took his turn at military service); constructing an arsenal in Kabul to reduce dependence on foreign sources for small arms and other ordnance; introducing supervised training courses; organizing troops into divisions, brigades, and regiments, including battalions of artillery; developing pay schedules; and introducing an elementary (and harsh) disciplinary system.

During the First World War, when Afghanistan was neutral, Habibullah Khan was met by officials of the Central Powers in the Niedermayer–Hentig Expedition to declare total independence from the United Kingdom, joined them and attacked British India, as part of the Hindu–German Conspiracy. Their efforts to bring Afghanistan into the Central Powers failed, but it caused discontent among the population for keeping neutrality against the British. Habibullah was assassinated during a hunting trip in February 1919, and Amanullah Khan eventually assumed power. A staunch supporter of the 1915–1916 expeditions, Amanullah Khan, provoked the Third Anglo-Afghan War, entering British India via the Khyber Pass. After the end of the Third Anglo-Afghan War and the signing of the Treaty of Rawalpindi on 19 August 1919.

Further improvements to the Army were made by King Amanullah Khan in the early 20th century. It appears from reports of Naib Sular Abdur Rahim's career that a Cavalry Division existed in the 1920s, with him being posted to the division in Herat Province in 1913 and Mazar-i-Sharif after 1927. A military academy was in existence by Amanullah's reign. The Army fought the Soviet Union from 1925–1926. In 1927, Afghanistan invited Turkey to send a military advisory mission, strengthening Afghan divisions and brigades, "augmenting each echelon headquarters with supporting staff," and "regularizing the officer corps." In the Afghan Civil War (1928–1929), the Shinwari Tribe took up arms in Jalalabad. A Tajik bandit named Habibullah Kalakani, otherwise known as the 'son of a water carrier, would become the face of this revolt as he managed to rally conservative support from many who felt alienated by Amanuallah's reforms. Faced with the overwhelming armed opposition, King Amanullah abdicated in January 1929, and his brother Inayatullah Khan assumed the throne. Still, soon after Kabul fell to Saqqawist forces led by Habibullah Kalakani, he abdicated and fled the country with other foreign dignitaries via the Royal Air Force. Prince Mohammed Nadir Shah, Amanullah's cousin, was in exile due to disagreements between the two returned to Afghanistan and, in turn, defeated and killed Kalakani in October 1929 and was declared King Nadir Shah.

As Shah of Afghanistan, Nadir Khan quickly abolished most of Amanullah Khan's reforms, but despite his efforts to rebuild an army that had just been engaged in suppressing a rebellion, the forces remained weak while the religious and tribal leaders grew strong. Nadir faced many insurrections, including the Koh Daman revolt (29 November – 30 June), the Shinwari rebellion (February 1930), operations against Ibrahim Beg (November 1930 – April 1931), the Ghilzai threat (1931), the Darre Khel revolt (November 1932), and disturbances in Khost. The same year, a Soviet force crossed the border in pursuit of an Uzbek leader whose forces had been harassing the Soviets from his sanctuary in Afghanistan. He was driven back to the Soviet side by the Afghan army in April 1930, and by the end of 1931, most uprisings had been subdued. After his death and the ascension of Zahir Shah to the throne, the army's subject was again under the light. Prime Minister Hashim Khan approached Germany and Italy for military assistance during the mid-'30s, acquiring new military equipment and advisors from the German Stat. However, after the Allied intervention in Iran, Afghanistan fearing an invasion by the USSR and the British Empire, kicked out all German nationals from the territory. During the 2nd World War, Afghanistan increased its army's strength to around 100,000 in preparation for potential Allied intervention. In 1944, Zardan, Mangal, and Safi tribals took up arms against the government due to the poor conditions and oppressive government policies; among them, the Zardan chieftain named Mazrak was an advocate for the return of the former king Amanullah. The Afghan Tribal War of 1944 was the first military conflict in Afghan history to use a professional Afghan Airforce.

Afghan prime minister, Shah Mahmud Khan, enacted a two-fold policy against Pakistan. The first being to destabilize Pakistan's Pashtun majority frontier regions by funding and supporting secessionist movements. This was believed by members of the Afghan Intelligence, or (Istikhbarat), to be an effective method since post-Independence Pakistani politics proved unstable. The Punjabi's of Pakistan held a monopoly on governmental power, alienating non-Punjabi groups such as the Pashtuns. Secondly, to strengthen relations with Pakistan's local rivals, such as India and the CCCP. This foreign policy shift earned some criticism within the government and abroad; many conservatives were against cooperating with the Soviet Union on principle, and political Islamic groups viewed the government's friendliness with Moscow and Delhi as anti-Islamic. Despite all these actions by the prime minister, Mahmud would be put on the firing line by the intelligentsia for a serious incident on September 30th, 1950. Pakistan claimed Afghan troops had crossed into their territory near the Bogra Pass as a low-scale invasion. The Afghan government denied involvement, saying they were pro-Pashtunistan tribesmen. However, under Shah Mahmud Khan, the Ministry of Defense had allowed low-scale operations to prod at the Pakistani border. Kabul had played with the idea of invading Pakistan but was deterred by the risk of facing diplomatic consequences by the international community and the reality that the Afghan Royal Army was not up to par to face the Pakistani Army. Since the end of WW2 and the Tribal Revolts, the army had cut down on its manpower to save costs for the government; at peak, the military neared a 100,000-strong army, but now a mere 60,000 as of 1950. Since 1948, Afghanistan has begun procuring Soviet military equipment to bolster its military. Most being infantry weapons, T-34 and Iosif Stalin tanks, SU-76 self-propelled guns, GAZ-69 4x4 light trucks of jeep class (in many versions), Katyusha rocket launchers, and various small piece artillery.


CORPS

COMPOSITION

STATUS

Central Corps — Kabul, Darulaman Palace
General Abdul Wali, Commanding Officer
GARRISONS: Kabul, Puli Alam, Mahmud-i-Raqi, Asadabad, and Mihtarlam
TROOPS: 21,000

FORCE COMPOSITION;
Royal Guard Brigade (Kabul)
7th Infantry Brigade
8th Infantry Brigade
15th Armored Brigade (Kabul)
1st Anti-Air Defense Regiment (Kabul)
Experimental Rocket Artillery Regiment (Kabul)

DEPLOYMENT STATUS;
In-Garrison
OPERATION OBJECTIVE;
The corps is responsible for the east of the country (Kabul, Logar, Kapisa, Nuristan, Kunar, and Laghman provinces).

2nd Southern Corps — Kandahar, Governors Palace
Major General Bahram Khan, Commanding Officer
GARRISONS: Kandahar, Zaranj, Lashkargah
TROOPS: 10,000

FORCE COMPOSITION;
7th Armoured Brigade (Kandahar)
15th Infantry Brigade (Lashkargah & Zaranj)

DEPLOYMENT STATUS;
In-Garrison
OPERATION OBJECTIVE;
The corps is responsible for southern provinces and the Iranian border in Nimruz

3rd Farah Corps — Gardez, Khalaf Military Base
Major General Selab Naeem Khan, Commanding Officer
GARRISONS: Gardez, Jalalabad, Herat, Ghazni, Mazar-i-Sharif, and Khost
TROOPS: 35,000

FORCE COMPOSITION;
11th Infantry Brigade (Jalalabad)
12th Infantry Brigade (Gardez)
14th Infantry Brigade (Ghazni)
17th Infantry Brigade (Herat)
18th Infantry Brigade (Mazar-i-Sharif)
25th Infantry Brigade (Khost)
9th Infantry Battalion (Nahrin)

DEPLOYMENT STATUS;
In-Garrison
OPERATION OBJECTIVE;
No objective identified due to non-deployed status


WEAPONS OF THE INFANTRY: The Aghan Royal Army (ARA) has a variety of small arms that its infantry wields. Before the late '30s, the ARA mainly equipped its infantry formations with British firearms. Since the Great Game era, Britain had equipped the armies of previous Afghan rulers, such as Emir Rahman, with various versions of the Snider–Enfield, the Martini-Henry rifle, and eventually the most iconic Lee-Enfield Rifle which became the primary service rifle during the 30s up until 1945. Afghanistan also used various heavy/light machine guns, such as the classic Maxim gun, the British Bren, and the cheaper Czechoslovakian alternative, the ZB vz. 26. However, the aftermath of the 2nd World War and the Independence of Pakistan required new modern equipment for a new era of modern warfare.

      Webley Revolver: One of Afghanistan's most prolific service sidearms, in use since the early 1900s. Fell off of service for more modern handguns. See's most usage amongst Afghan Rural Police and Mountain Police.

      TT (Tula Tokarev) | TT-33: Imported since the late 30's to replace the British Webley, now main sidearm of the ARA. See's usage amongst the Afghan Police.

      Mosin-Nagant Rifle | Model 1891/30 | M44 Model | Model 1944 Carbine: Thousands acquired sometime in the late 1930s by the Afghan Royal Army. The ARA has designated the Mosin-Nagant Rifle as the main rifle of the infantry as of now. The M44 variant is used by the Afghan Honor Guard. The Afghan Royal Police also see vast usage of the Mosin rifle.

      SKS semi-automatic rifle 7.62×39mm: The SKS is a self-loading rifle introduced to the ARA in 1948. The Director General of Arms was impressed by the SKS rifle during demonstrations and sued the Ministry of War to replace the Mosin-Nagant for the SKS as the main rifle of the infantry. An estimated 20,000 SKS rifles are in service, mainly within the Central Corps, with plans to import more to replace the aging Mosin-Nagant.

      PPSh-41 submachine gun: The PPSh-41 was introduced to the ARA in the late 1930s; the army developing a new infantry formation doctrine saw the need for its infantry to be equipped with submachine guns, the PPSh-41 was chosen for its lightweight and cheapness to replace the British Sten submachine gun.

      AK-47 7.62×39mm: Part of Prime Minister Daoud Khan's initiative to boast the military, the AK-47 assault rifle was introduced in 1952 to serve as the standard issue rifle to the infantry. Thousands are planned to be imported, along with possible future variants.

      DPM | RP-46: The Degtyaryov light machine gun was imported to replace older British light machine guns; see's wide use in the ARA.

      SG-43 Goryunov | SGM: A Soviet medium machine gun that was introduced during the Second World War. It was chambered for the 7.62×54mmR cartridge. The ARA imported the improved and renamed SGM; dust covers and a new barrel lock were fitted, and a splined barrel was fitted to improve cooling.

      DShK: A Soviet heavy machine gun with a V-shaped butterfly trigger, firing the 12.7×108mm cartridge. The weapon is used as a heavy infantry machine gun, defending fortified positions and improvised anti-aircraft defense.

      RPG-2: A man-portable, shoulder-fired anti-tank weapon. Imported to provide infantry formations with anti-tank capabilities.

ARTILLERY OF THE ARMY: Artillery in Afghanistan has it's history since the Safavid Empire ruled the land, old powdered cannons saw wide-scale use in many Afghan wars. Afghan rulers eventually upgraded to using superior European field guns after the Anglo-Afghan Wars. British, French, and German guns were the preferred artillery for a long time, but the ARA modernization policy has sought Soviet artillery in recent years.

      82-BM-37 | M-37M: A Soviet 82 millimeter calibre light mortar. The main difference between the 82-PM-37 and the earlier 82-PM-36 was the adoption of a round base-plate, revised traverse/elevation controls, simplified sights and spring-loaded shock absorbers on the bi-pod to reduce the amount of relaying needed between shots. It was designed to fire western 81 mm captured ammunition whilst not permitting the enemy the same advantage. The M-37M is an improved version with lighter base plate and a device to prevent double loading, these are mainly provided to light infantry regiments. 300 units in service with further plans to procure more in the future.

      107mm M1938 mortar: A scaled-down version of the 120mm M1938 mortar intended for use by mountain troops and light enough to be towed by animals on a cart. The mortar fires a lighter high explosive round (OF-841) and a heavier HE round (OF-841A). The lighter HE round carried a larger bursting charge than the heavier round. 200 in service, most usage amongst brigades in mountainous terrain.

      76 mm regimental gun M1943: A Soviet infantry support gun. The gun used a modernized barrel from the 76 mm regimental gun M1927 and the carriage from the 45 mm anti-tank gun M1942 (M-42). The gun was intended to destroy light field fortifications and openly placed personnel by direct fire. HEAT shells gave it limited anti-armor capabilities. 55 units total. Due to the needs of Afghan artillery corps, the M1943 is being phased out of service. Remaining units may be sold.

      76 mm divisional gun M1942 (ZiS-3): A Soviet 76.2 mm divisional field gun. Liked for its extreme reliability, durability, and accuracy. The gun was easy to maintain and use by novice crews. The light carriage allowed the ZiS-3 to be towed by trucks, heavy jeeps. These guns are employed in close support of infantry (tanks), and especially for direct fire. 300 units in service with more to be ordered in the future.

      122 mm howitzer M1938 (M-30): The M-30 is a divisional level howitzer. M-30 howitzers were primarily employed for indirect fire against enemy personnel. They were also used against field fortifications, for clearing minefields and for breaching barbed wire. Their HE-fragmentation shells presented a danger to armored vehicles. Fragments created by the explosion could penetrate up to 20 mm of armor. 150 units in service with more to be ordered in the future.

      152 mm howitzer M1943 (D-1): The D-1 howitzer is essentially a combination of the barrel of the 152-mm howitzer model 1938 (M-10) on the carriage of the 122-mm howitzer M1938 (M-30). Primarily used against personnel, fortifications and key structures in the enemy rear. 100 units in service with more to be ordered in the future.

      BM-13 "Katyusha": A type of rocket artillery made by the Soviet Union. The design was relatively simple, consisting of racks of parallel rails on which rockets were mounted, with a folding frame to raise the rails to the launch position. Each truck had 14 to 48 launchers. The weapon is less accurate than conventional artillery guns, but is extremely effective in saturation bombardment. A battery of four BM-13 launchers could fire a salvo (132 caliber) in 7–10 seconds. It delivered 4.35 tons of high explosives over a 400,000-square-metre (4,300,000 sq ft) impact zone, making its power roughly equivalent to 72 conventional artillery guns. With an efficient crew, the launchers could redeploy to a new location immediately after firing. The BM-13 variant was purchased by the Afghan army to begin experimenting with rocketry and was fully adopted in 1948. 50 units in service, with more to be ordered in the future.

VEHICLES OF THE INFANTRY: Traditionally, previous Afghan armies heavily used animals of burden to transport troops, supplies, armaments, and general logistics. Such an antique method has proven itself no longer viable in modern warfare. Thus, since the 20s, the ARA began importing various types of vehicles. Due to the infrastructure of Afghanistan, the usage is limited to main roads and Afghan cities; animals of burden still see usage depending on mission needs.

      Afghan Mule: A domestic equine hybrid between a donkey and a horse. It is the offspring of a male donkey (a jack) and a female horse (a mare). While a few mules can carry live weights up to 160 kg (353 lb), the superiority of the mule becomes apparent in their additional endurance. Generally, a mule can be packed with dead weight up to 20% of its body weight, or around 90 kg (198 lb). Although it depends on the individual animal, mules trained by the Afghan army are reported to be able to carry up to 72 kg (159 lb) and walk 26 km (16.2 mi) without resting.

      Qatagani Horse: Qataghani is a horse breed from the Qataghan region of Afghanistan. The Qatagani is one of the most used horse breeds by the Afghan army, able to travel long distances with no rest and able to traverse mountainous terrain. The Qataghani was the staple of Afghan cavalry but its role has been reduced to limited logistics and parade ground.



T-34-85 | Model 1946
MBT of the ARA as of 1950.






IS-2 Heavy Tank.

      Camels | Dromedary | Two-humped Bactrian: Camels have long been domesticated and, as livestock, they provide food (milk and meat) and textiles (fiber and felt from hair). Camels are working animals suited to their desert habitat and are vital means of transport for passengers and cargo. Camels still see the most use in the logistics of the Royal Army but in specific instances where they are needed.

      GAZ-AA: Soviet-produced vehicle licensed from the Ford AA model of 1930. The GAZ-AA was one of the first trucks employed in the ARA service and still sees the most usage. 400 estimated to be in service, fits multiple roles.

      GAZ-MM | 72-K GAZ-MM | GAZ-55: A medium-duty truck, modernized variant of the GAZ-AA truck, but using the engine from the GAZ-M1, upgrading the vehicle's power to 50 hp. The GAZ-MM is commonly used for troop and supply transportation. The 72-K GAZ-MM is an Anti-air truck fitted with a 25 mm automatic air defense gun M1940 (72-K). The GAZ-55 is the ambulance variant mostly used for city civil government services. 300 GAZ-MM estimated to be in use, 50 72-K GAZ-MM variant in use with the Central Corps.

      ZIS-5 | ZIS-8 | ZIS-42M | ZIS-43 : A 4x2 Soviet truck used for logistics. The ZIS-8 is a Bus version of the ZIS-5, used for troop transportation, ZIS-42M, the Halftrack version used for heavy-duty supply transport; and the ZIS-43, an armed version of the ZIS-42, boasting a 37 mm anti-aircraft autocannon. 500 ZIS-5 in service, 30 ZIS-43 employed for AA-defense.

      GAZ-67: A general-purpose four-wheel drive light utility vehicle. 1,000 in service as of 1950.

      GAZ-M1: A soviet passenger car based on the American Ford Model A. The GAZ-M1 is mainly used for Afghan officers in the military as a personal transporter. Also popular amongst civilians. 300 in service as of 1950.

      Dnepr M-72: A soviet motorcycle used for transport and recon. 500 in service as of 1950.

TANKS OF THE ARMY: Afghanistan's first usage of tanks date back to the reign of Nadir Shah, who donated 20 French Renault FT light tanks, setting up the foundation for Afghan tankery. During the 2nd World War, Afghanistan became close to the Axis powers receiving financial and military aid from Germany and Italy. German tank officers were brought to train Afghans for the possible use of German tanks, but due to pressure from the Allies to expel all germans, the plan never came to fruition. Afghanistan's tank program was revived in 1948 with the importation of Soviet tanks, as tensions with Pakistan pushed the need for a modern armored force.

      Renault FT | No longer in use: Iconic light tank of the 1st World War, the Renault was donated to Afghanistan from France in 1931. No longer in service since the 1940s, their usage is ceremonial.

      SU-76: A Soviet light self-propelled gun used to provide artillery support for infantry. While its thin armor and open top make it vulnerable to antitank weapons, grenades, and small arms, its lightweight and low ground pressure give it good mobility. 100 units in service

      T-34-85 | Model 1946: Looking for an MBT to build the Afghan tank force, the Afghan Directorate of General Arms settled for the Soviet T-34-85, specifically the Model 1946 or M1946 version. The M1946 variant of the T-34-85 is improved with the V-2-34M engine, new wheels, ZiS-S-53 85 mm gun, radio moved from the hull into a turret with an improved layout, and new gunner's sight. A total of 175 are in the service of Afghan armored formations.

      IS-2 | IS-2M: A Soviet heavy tank, the IS-2 was imported by the Afghan army to add additional firepower to the Afghan armored formations. The tank uses the D-25 100mm gun that is effective at 2,500 m (2,700 yds) and is equipped with bipods on the roof to fit DShK guns. There are plans to upgrade the IS-2 fleet for the improved IS-2M in 1957 (IS-2M is not in use right now). 50 Units in service.


King Amanullah founded the Afghan Royal Air Force (ARAF) in 1924. The first airplanes of the ARAF were two British Bristol F.2B’s, two-seat reconnaissancenaissance airplanes. A German pilot piloted each airplane. In 1925, the Soviet Union presented the ARAF with a squadron of R-2 reconnaissance bombers. In addition, the Soviet Union agreed to host 50 ARAF pilots for training and technical education purposes. In 1928, 25 ARAF cadets were sent to Rome’s Caserta Cadet College. Regretfully, all 15 operational aircraft of the ARAF were damaged or destroyed during the 1929 revolution. From then until 1937, the ARAF did not have any airplanes, save one German Junkers Ju F-13, which had been former King Amanullah’s plane. But this airplane was not flight-worthy from 1929 until German aviation specialists repaired it in 1937. In 1937, the ARAF made several orders abroad for new airplanes. Specifically: 8× Italian Breda 25 trainers, 8× British Hawker Hart light bombers, 16× Italian Meridionaly RO-37 reconnaissance aircraft. In 1938, at least eight ARAF pilots were sent to British India for additional flight training. In 1939, the ARAF took possession of 20 British Hawker harts and 8 Hawkers Hinds, and the Italian RO-37s. These aircraft were divided into three squadrons. No additional aircraft were obtained by Afghanistan during the Second World War. In light of tensions with Pakistan and several instances of violations of Afghan air space, the Ministry of War has begun acquiring new aircraft to satiate the needs of the armed forces.

      RPG-2: A man-portable, shoulder-fired anti-tank weapon. Imported to provide infantry formations with anti-tank capabilities.



Afghan Royal Air Force
roundel circa. 1950

      RPG-2: A man-portable, shoulder-fired anti-tank weapon. Imported to provide infantry formations with anti-tank capabilities.

      RPG-2: A man-portable, shoulder-fired anti-tank weapon. Imported to provide infantry formations with anti-tank capabilities.

      RPG-2: A man-portable, shoulder-fired anti-tank weapon. Imported to provide infantry formations with anti-tank capabilities.

      RPG-2: A man-portable, shoulder-fired anti-tank weapon. Imported to provide infantry formations with anti-tank capabilities.

Read dispatch

        THE EMPIRE OF IRAN
        
        امپراتوری ایران

      ______

      ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE AHURA MAZDA PROJECT BY PRIME MINISTER ZAHEDI
      FAZLOLLAH ZAHEDI ADMINISTRATION | TEHRAN, MAY 1951

    Prime Minister Fazlollah Zahedi:

      Good Afternoon. The prosperity of Iran and its future potential is attracting prime attention from around the world and the region. The early signs of burgeoning blossoms of our economy, the progression and enhancement of our society, revitalization of our Iranian identity and increased confidence and trust within the new socioeconomic and governmental institutions of this empire prompts for a collective community to continue and push forward into greater ages of prosperity and development. Our continual efforts to develop a more prosperous Iran for all carved out of our determinations and ambitions shall reach new heights with what I am about to announce. To cultivate a larger, influential, expansive, and vibrant economy, we must increase our public works projects and infrastructural initiatives. In the last couple of months, we have announced initiatives for construction of new industrial corridors and public transportation modernization.

      I would like to announce the approval and the completion of the blueprinting of the Ahura Mazda Project! The Ahura Mazda Project is a strategic and consumer-oriented investment initiative of my administration entailing setting up of 6 mega ports, modernization of major strategic freight ports and dockyards, development of 7 Coastal Economic Zones and at least 10 Coastal Economic Units, development of mines, industrial corridors, rail, road and airport linkages with these water ports, resulting in dramatic increases in export revenue growth and a generation of 250,000 direct jobs and several times more indirect jobs. The Project aims to modernize Iran's ports so that port-led development can be augmented and coastlines can be developed to contribute in Iran's growth. It also aims for transforming the existing ports into modern world class ports and integrate the development of the Ports, the Industrial clusters and hinterland and efficient evacuation systems through road, rail, inland and coastal waterways resulting in ports becoming the drivers of economic activity in coastal areas. The project is expected to reduce cost and time for transporting goods, benefiting industries and export/import trade. Thus, this transforming of Iran's coastlines becomes a central gateway of Iran's prosperity and progression into a modern era and active participant into the global community.

      The Project aims to promote port-led development in the country by harnessing Iran's 1,749 mile coastline located near key international maritime trade routes. Under the Ahura Mazda Program, 175 projects, have been identified across port modernization & new port development, port connectivity enhancement, port-linked coastal economic zone industrialization and coastal community development for phase wise implementation over the period 1951 to 1961. As per the approved implementation plan of Ahura Mazda Project, these projects are to be taken up by the relevant Ministries/Agencies and State Governments preferably through private/PPP mode.

      Coastal Economic Zones (CEZ) is a component of the Ahura Mazda scheme aimed at port-led industrial development of 10 business-friendly Coastal Economic Zones(CEZ) centered along manufacturing development initiatives along the Persian Gulf and Caspian Sea coastlines. Sectors targeted for manufacturing units are maritime and inland waterways, water transport, coastal and cruise shipping, and energy generation, etc. Each CEZ will cover economic region consisting of several coastal districts with strong linkage to the ports in that region. Each CEZ with the area of 2,500 to 3,500 sq km will have several Coastal Economic Units (CEU), and in turn each CEU will have several Port-Linked Industrial Clusters (PLIC). "Coastal Economic Units" (CEU) will serve as nodes within CEZ. Each CEU industrial unit will be industrial estates with multiple industries. Each "Port-Linked Industrial Clusters" (PLIC) within CEU will have several manufacturing units. Benefits of this project shall include national GDP growth with ease of doing business by boosting export and job employment expansions, reduction in export cargo logistics cost and time, and increased global competitiveness of Iranian exports.

      This project is a catalyst to the continual modernization and transformation of the Empire of Iran. Iran will continue to demonstrate to the world how a unified society constructed on mutual identity is properly governed but also how a desire of ambition and modernization and the construction of a society eradicated of unnecessary struggles and hindrances develops. Iran continues to work and govern as a shining example of leadership and progressive modernization in the Middle East. Iran shall be an uncontested regional authority once more but that shall happen in due time. Until then, we must remain dedicated to the mission of the construction of the new Iran that our Shah seeks to construct.”

F*ck off raiders, go home.

    [ المقامرة السعودية: الدولة السعودية الثالثة لا تزال على أهبة الاستعداد ]
    THE SAUDI GAMBIT: IBN SAUD RETURNS TO THE THRONE
    Rabi Al Aawwal 1370 • JANUARY 1951

      مدينة الرياض | RIYADH
      THE HOUSE OF SAUD

    | Years of Hashemite boasting and dominance had taken a toll on the Saud family, still led by Ibn Saud. Just years ago, they were on the verge of achieving the Saudi dream, winning the first encounter, before being completely routed by Hashemite forces 3 decades ago. The once proud Saud family was delegated to vassal status, probably lower. However, with Ibn Saud reaching the last of his years on Earth, he remembered the vision he had for the future when he was exiled to Kuwait. He remembered the stories his aunt told him about his predecessors, who had bravely fought against the Ottoman oppressors and had governed over the 2 holy cities. Had Ibn Saud come all this way just to serve as a puppet? To see what he coveted, but never to possess it? His Wahhabist allies felt the same way. Once having favor, the Hashemites' increasingly secular policies solidified their negative position on the Hashemite throne. The bulk of the army and its equipment was in Arabia, and Saud began making bold promises and preached discontent with the Hashemites' Westernization. With this final resolve, Ibn Saud gathered the massive numbers of his dynasty, and the legitimacy of the Wahhabi clerics, and launched his final stand. |

    بغداد | BAGHDAD
    THE HASHEMITE HOUSE

    | News of the sudden Saudi uprising had alarmed King Abdullah of the Hashemites. Everything had seemed to go to plan, American support, Islamic legitimacy, and the oil boom, and has come at just arm's length to realizing the Sharifian solution. He would curse himself, knowing that the Sauds were bound to strike at some point. This is a dynasty that had fought over this desert for over 3 centuries, each generation becoming more successful than the last. Muttering to himself, he would check the date. January 13th... where had he heard that before. He came to a sudden realization... the establishment of the Third Saudi State. Goosebumps had crawled down his spine, the realization that Ibn Saud had outplayed him. Hours later, he would join a war room with his experienced generals. Just as he began speaking, 2 envoys would come sprinting in: the Sauds had already seized Riyadh and its surrounding area with Diriyah. The other envoy spoke news of an Omani and Yemeni rebellion. The only stronghold remaining was in the Hejaz.|

    مكة المكرمة | MECCA
    METICULOUS PLANNING

    | Despite the Sauds' reputation as impulsive and mood-driven rulers, it was quite the opposite. By the time King Abdullah reached the Hejaz with the bulk of his forces, Wahhabi horsemen had already taken Medina by force, and Ibn Saud was marching onto Jeddah from Mecca. Wahhabi sleepers were already within the Hejaz, and other displeased religious clerics had taken up arms in the name of the Sauds. It was here, at the battle of Yanbu, that King Abdullah realized that it was a lost cause... Ibn Saud seemed to have been Napoleon reincarnated. It was an overwhelming Saudi victory, and the former Ikhwan spared nobody. Thus, with the bulk of the loyal Hashemite army being wiped out, Wahhabi clerics turnt south to put down the Omani and Yemeni rebellions, whilst Ibn Saud chased the Hashemites into Jordan.|

    إشغال ة | SANA'A
    THE IKHWAN'S SHADOW

    | The Yemeni rebellion was fiercely and brutally put down. Saudi generals learned from the stalemate of the first Saudi-Yemeni war and had completely decimated Yemeni forces in a similar fashion. Meanwhile, Wahhabi forces would brutally massacre Shia clerics and monuments in the area, determined to crush the Shia spirit of the region. The Yemeni dynasty would be nearly completely wiped out, because of their claim to being King-Imams, as well as their belonging to the other sect of Islam. Ahmad bin Yahya would be killed while on his boat in an attempt to escape the chaos in Yemen, following the surprising Saudi victory over the Hashemites. Originally hoping to create Greater Yemen, he would be found shot dead floating on a boat off the coast of Qurayyah.|

    مسقط | MUSCAT
    THE IKHWAN'S SHADOW

    | Hearing about the Yemeni massacres, the Omani sultan would wisely submit. However, the Ibadi tribes and various clans began to attack Saudi villages nearby, which the Wahhabis used as justification for their repeat of the Yemeni occupation. Said bin Timur would step in to protect their tribes, thus causing direct confrontation. Even though less bloody, Said bin Timur would promptly be executed and his son Qaboos would be placed on the throne of Sultan.|

    مدينة الرياض | RIYADH
    THE CONSOLIDATION

    | Even though Ibn Saud himself would attempt to conquer Iraq and Jordan, the British government had stepped in to protect their allies. It turns out, in a rare foreign policy dispute between the Americans and Brits, the Americans had backed the Sauds, whereas the British backed the Hashemites. The Sauds had come out on top, but the British used the last of their favor with the Americans to mandate that the Hashemites remain in power in Jordan and Iraq. Reduced to a shadow of his old self, King Abdullah returned to Jordan and Faisal to Iraq. Once united, in the wake of the Saudi overthrow, they had returned to their old quarrel, and Faisal got the better end. Ibn Saud would give a proclamation in Riyadh months later, and declare the resumption of the Third Saudi State. Hashemite loyalists were massacred peninsula-wide, and clerics began endorsing them and also cleared up the lie which stated that the Hashemites were descended from the prophet. The same young boy, who had only stories of his ancestors' might, had eclipsed them. The peninsula was consolidated once more, under the Saud's fist. Never would he let go again.|

PAYING HEED TO AN ANCIENT GOD: ‘TEMPLE OF KRESNIK’ INAUGURATED BY PAGANS AT PODKOREN

    TO SMITE WITH HIS SMOLDERING HORNS
    SLOVENIA—MAY 1951

The January 1949 publication of Stari bogovi ignited a movement in Slovenia. The six-hundred-page mytho-historical epic had eloquently highlighted and reilluminated Slovene paganism with such convincing narration that it soon spawned a minor Slovene pagan movement after the appearance of several ‘omens’—Ajda, as it called itself, swelled in popularity with each offense given to the Slovene nation. Though dismissed by Interior Minister Alojzij Kuhar as ‘wishful nostalgia for an older time’, its members were hardly discouraged. Pride in the homeland drove followers to the ‘native faith’ of old Slovenia, and though the movement’s following was limited, it was robust enough to ceremonially open a temple in the wooded hills of Upper Carniola. The ‘Temple of Kresnik’ was personally opened by folklorist and pagan leader Jože Anžur, who declared it “the beginning of a new spiritual awakening, of a vaster desire to return to our roots.”

Kresnik was a staple of the Alpine Slavs. A deity long associated with the fabled zlatorog, a gold-horned goat of the mountains, Kresnik lorded over sun, fire and lightning. Son of the greater sun-god Svarog, he was a farmer-warrior of shining hair and earth-shaking powers; his struggles in the sky against a chthonic serpent rained wheat upon the earth and sent bolts of lightning through the heavens. In times of peace, he dwelled on golden mountaintops and often took the form of a deer with sun-gilt antlers. “He is a hero,” said Anžur plainly of the god: “a figure that I feel can embody this nation. Kresnik wielded the magic and traditions that belong to the Slovenian people.” A clearing in Upper Carniola—one near the village of Podkoren in particular—had been chosen for the temple’s location on account of the 1949 discovery of a seventh-century carving there depicting a cervine deity that locals claimed was a manifestation of Kresnik. Less than a kilometer from the carving’s location, the temple grounds were held by members of the Ajda movement to be of great local power. The structure itself was of a traditional wooden build painted in lively colors, and the statue of Kresnik placed at its center was cut from a massive piece of linden, the ‘holy tree’ of Slavic paganism, as were gilded antlers sprouting from his head. The body of Kresnik was muscular and clad in fur and leather; in one hand he wielded a gilded thunderbolt, and in the other, a hefty sword gleamed with real metal.

The temple’s opening by Anžur was as much a lesson on history and a commentary on politics as it was a spiritual performance. A reveler of the Slovenian countryside, Anžur had long been involved in the study of Slovene history, including paganism, pre-Christian Slovenia and the ancient toponymy of the country. He often lectured at public events, and his stump speeches, which frequently involved an enthusiastic performance of folk songs, made the folklorist’s name known throughout Slovenia. It was said that he was a man who felt “a great, magical, and sacred sense of the transmitted history [of Slovenia],” as he would often state to listeners, who were either enthralled or unnerved by his presence. His opinions hit with a brutal force; Anžur scarcely shied away from politics. In his announcement of the temple’s opening, Anžur took the opportunity to cite the “pervasive communist influence” of the day as an attempt to manifest “a spiritual death of this nation” that would “bring the Slovenian people to the state of a herd following a false god”—Josip Broz Tito. Anžur was not yet brazen enough to make any attacks on the hegemonic Catholic Church, but communism at this time was easily enough lambasted; Tito had launched a three-day invasion of Yugoslavia in April, branding himself once more as a target for Slovene enmity. In that enmity, the nation was so united that for once, the Ajda gathering did not provoke a local counter-protest.

New archive factbook, a special thanks to Amsterwald for the code!



HEAD OF STATE

ERA

SUMMARY

𝓚𝓲𝓷𝓰 𝓸𝓯 𝓐𝓯𝓰𝓱𝓪𝓷𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓷
𝐻𝒾𝓈 𝑀𝒶𝒿𝑒𝓈𝓉𝓎 𝑀𝑜𝒽𝒶𝓂𝓂𝑒𝒹 𝒵𝒶𝒽𝒾𝓇 𝒮𝒽𝒶𝒽

AFGHANISTAN: POST WW2
A Brief Overview: Afghanistan's situation in the new world order
FEBRUARY 1ST, 1944

BEGINNING OF THE 1944 TRIBAL REVOLTS
Government methods of governorship have changed, culminating in overreaching policies and abuses, sparking various tribal revolts.
1944

MILITARY OPERATIONS AGAINST THE SAFI TRIBE
Kabul dispatches the Central Corps to put down the Safi tribe.
24th of June, 1945

THE HUNT FOR MAZRAK
Having fled the government's pursuit, Mazrak seeks refuge in the Raj territory of Waziristan.
11th of January, 1947

AFGHANISTAN ENTERS THE 50S: TENSIONS WITH PAKISTAN
Afghanistan enters the 50's and faces new challenges at home and abroad.
1950

FINDING FRIENDS IN A PIT OF SNAKES
Afghanistan begins making diplomatic moves to secure new friendships as tensions with Pakistan continue.
May, 1951 | ۱۹۵۱ حمل

ENTER THE RED PRINCE
Sadar Mohammed Daoud Khan: the story of Afghanistan's upcoming political figure.
18th of July, 1951 | ۱۹۵۱ سرطان

THE HOUSE ON THE HILL: MOHAMMED ZAHIR SHAH
The life of his majesty the King of Afghanistan.
15th of October, 1951 | ۱۹۵۱ عقرب

ABUNDANCE AND SCARCITY
A look into Afghan economic development.
December, 1951 | ۱۹۵۱ جدی

Zahir Shah embarks on a journey to implement political and social reform in his country.
This marks what many call the 1st democratic period. New ideas flourish amongst the intelligentsia of the Wikh Zalmiyan,
however, the harsh realities of Afghan politics becomes aparent with the outbreak of the 1944 Tribal Revolts.
Due to shifting geopolitics, the emergence of the Pakistani state, and the beginning of the Cold War,
Afghanistan is again caught in the web of larger powers.

Read dispatch

Chapter I - The Death of the King
October - December 1946

The crisis of mistrust caused by the death of King Ananda Mahidol corroded the government of Pridi, the situation was so precarious that two Commissions of Inquiry were created to investigate the death of the King, one organized by the Royal Guard, and seen by the government as more impartial, while the other formed by the Police received broad support from the monarchists and the Democratic Party. After a long month of investigations both commissions came to completely different conclusions. The Royal Guard's investigation reported that the king's death could not have been accidental, but that neither suicide nor murder was satisfactorily proved. Meanwhile the Police commission concluded that Prime Minister Pridi was involved in the King's death.

Although it was clearly manipulated to please the opposition and the monarchists, the Police Commission's conclusion served as a trigger to trigger a crisis in the government's popularity. Dem options Pridi Banomyong was forced to resign, giving way to Admiral Thawan Thamrongnawasawat, seen as the main leader of the Navy that supports a democratic government. With the death of Ananda Mahidol and lack of heirs, his younger brother Bhumibol Adulyadej would assume the throne under the name Rama IX, despite not believing in the involvement of the former Prime Minister Pridi in the death of the previous King, Bhumibol did not fail to show his appreciation for the monarchist cause.

Chapter II - War of Brothers
November, 1947 - Present

In 1947, Phibun was still widely popular as he planned to comeback to Thai politics. Democrat Party leader, Khuang Aphaiwong supported Phibun to be next prime minister. Phin Choonhavan and Kard Kardsonggram, retired army officers, had tried to contact Phibun with a help from Democrat Party to inform the coup plot. Phibun allied and royalists tried to overthrow the constituionalist regime. The army, led by Phibun, wanted to regain their power, and the death of Ananda were the root of royalist goal.

Thamrong's government was faced with charges of corruption, stemming from a government program to hand out free shovels and spades to rural farmers. The farming equipment brought and handed out was sub-standard, leading to charges of corruption and embezzlement by the public. The scandal became known as "devouring the hoes and spades". This, and other scandals, led to a debate, called for by the Democrats, and a vote of no confidence, which Thamrong survived.

On 9 November 1947 at 2:00 am, the armed forces, led by Phibun, began the coup by sending a squadron of tanks to Amphorn Gardens near the government centre. They immediately tried to arrest Prime Minister Thamrong and held him hostage, but the plan has failled after a fierce fight with guards of the Prime Minister. Another tank squadron went to search for Pridi. After arriving at his residence, they found that he had escaped, since he was told of the plot beforehand by an informant. Pridi's house was sprayed with machine gun fire. Leaving only his wife and children who were arrested. Unbeknownst to them, Pridi was hiding under the protection of Admiral Luang Sinthusongkramchai, commander of the Royal Thai Navy at his base.

The junta called themselves the "National Military Council" included Lieutenant General Phin Choonhavan and Colonel Kard Kardsonggram. Other members of the group were: Police General Phao Sriyanond, Colonel Sarit Dhanarajata, Colonel Thanom Kittikachorn, and Lieutenant Colonel Praphas Charusathien, Captain Chatichai Choonhavan.

On the morning of 9 November, General Choonhavan, the spokesman for the junta, read a declaration to the press and broadcast by radio outlining the cause of the coup. He claimed the government's incompetence caused the people to suffer from high prices and the general lack of food and goods. Thus, they reckoned that the government was unable to solve the problem and must be removed by force. During the speech, Choonhavan cried profusely, and was dubbed sarcastically by the press as the "hero of tears"
Royalist allied were led by Khuang Aphaiwong and Seni Pramoj, celebrated the junta on the same day. The National Soldier's Committee then called for Khuang, the Leader of the Opposition to take over as prime minister. At Khuang house, there were full of the Democrat Party members and royal family members. Bhanubandhu Yugala, one of Chakri dynasty members, was reportedly delighted by the coup. Khuang assumed the position on 10 November, becoming prime minister for the third time. The committee set up their own legislative assembly called the "Council of Ministers of the Assembly", making a deal with Khaung that, if he stayed out of their business, they would stay out of his.

On 12 November 1947, Prince Rangsit of Chainat, the Regent of Thailand, signed a provisional charter or the Constitution of 1947, drafted by the royalists such as Seni Pramoj and his brother Kukrit Pramoj, which giving more power to the Monarchy of Thailand. It allowed the king to appoint 100 members of parliament and revived the Privy Council back. Khuang cabinet included more royalists since the 1932. King Bhumibol, who was studying in Lausanne, Switzerland returned the letter to the junta with a satisfaction.

Despite the success in taking control of the capital, and consequently and the Central, Western and Southern regions. The monarchists were surprised when on November 25th in the city of Chonburi, former Prime Minister Pridi and the legitimate Prime Minister Thamrong, supported by the Royal Thai Navy, denounced the coup and announced an armed resistance movement in defense of democracy and the Thai constitution, having received broad support from provinces located in the Eastern and Northeastern regions. Meanwhile in the Northern region, various Thai, Vietnamese and Laotian communist groups, inspired by Ho Chi Minh, started an armed uprising in several provinces and announced the self-proclamation of the People's Republic of Indochina. All these movements culminated in what everyone feared most in Thailand the beginning of a long and bloody civil war and these three groups:

- Royalists and the "Kingdom of Thailand"
- Constitutionalists and the "Constitutional Government of Thailand"
- Communists and the "People's Republic of Indochina"

Alone, none of these groups would have the strength to unify the Nation again, it would only be up to their acumen to get international support for their cause.

As soon as i get time i'll produce a map to show what part of Thailand each side controls. I'll use the six regions map below as reference:
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Regions_of_Thailand

You are open to show any kind of support to any of the sides, can be diplomatic, economic and military (providing military resources, no direct intervention)

ငါတို့ဘုရင်က သူ့လက်ကိုဆန့်တယ်။ • OUR KING EXTENDS THE HAND!

|1st Waning of Kason—14th Waxing of Tazaungmon 1312 ME | Mandalay, Royal Federation of the Burma Union|

With the rainy season in it's earliest stages, the Royal Army, 'Tatmadaw' remains steadily poised to advance forthward from liberated Ramree and Gwa to smother the seperatist stronghold of Thandway from the north and the south. However, the day after the full moon of Kason, around 3 May, His Royal Highness, Agzawthawda Min, exercises prerogative order, inviting the seperatist Prince to peace talks while their armies wait out the rainy months, largely at the behest of Thathanapaing, Mingun Jetavana Sayadaw U Nārada, who decried the military campaign in Arakan, drawing awareness toward this issue, and inspiring more ecclesiasticals to follow suit in formal condemnation. This, the King nor the Prime Minister could possibly ignore. The peace talks, convened on 19 May at Kuthodaw Pagoda, in Mandalay, are hosted by the Prime Minister U Nu, the President Sao Shwe Thaik, the Chief Abbot U Nārada, and most importantly, His Majesty, Agzawthawda Min. Representing the Rakhine seperatists, the Saradaw U Seinda and Prince Sein Shwe, the hereditary Lord of Man Aung (မန်းအောင်) and titular ancestor of Maha Thammada Raza of Mrauk-U, a dynasty in abeyance since 1785.

Against the advise of U Nārada, Agzawthawda Min and the Prime Minister U Nu lead the talks jointly, reminding the opposition of the futile positions of the Rakhine seperatist movement before asserting the conditions of peace as follows; Expulsion of all White Flag Communist Party members from Saittwe, and further, Arakan State entirely; Issue order to all seperatists that they lay down their arms and return home to their families, with those compliant promised full pardon from the Union; Retaining princely titles and status, Sein Shwe Aung, would be granted peerage within Mandalay's Court, so long as he did not seek to become Sovereign; Arakan State would retain it's full autonomy as a Salute State or otherwise, Princely State of the Burma Union, thus retaining paramountcy, with Sein Shwe Aung as it's head of state, subject to the channels of privy or governance discretioned by the Prince; Aid local efforts to keep peace in the State, especially against the Rohingya Jihad declared in the north.

The talks would sprawl for weeks and even months, with multiple conventions being called to session as U Seinda and the young Prince Sein Shwe Aung delicately discuss the matter of Peace being offered. Though a fine alternative to several months or even years of abject warfare, obedience proved a difficult reality to accept for a people under Bamar fealty for hundreds of years. They fear how the Rakhine people might view the signing of a peace accord on their behalf in the face of war, with thousands of their compatriots unwaveringly prepared to die at Thandway, currently surrounded on all sides by the Royal Burmese Army. Despite these misgivings about the perceived outcome, peace abounded as the terms are formally accepted by Prince Sein Shwe Aung and the Venerable U Seinda on 3 August, after months of back-to-back peace conventions, saving the lives of perhaps tens of thousands, both Rakhine and Bamar. Throughout that week, radio broadcasts informed millions across the nation of the peace accord developments, with mixed public reaction, to say the least. The average Bamar, excited at the prospect of peace with their brothers in faith. A large portion of Rakhine, angered by the betrayal of those whom they served with undying pride. A dagger piercing through the heart of their entire cause. It is the will of the Rakhaing to die in preservation of his traditions, culture, and ethics, as the word Rakhine itself translates, "one who maintains his own race".

In the months that followed, thousands of Rakhine willingly laid down their arms and accepted the one chance at government pardon, though similarly thousands did not, and while the White Flags were expulsed from Arakan without friction, many of these disaffected Rakhine followed them into exile in neighboring Chin State, where the Red Flags had reportedly also settled after their timely escape from the Pyinmana fortified town, where they utilized several junctures to cross back and forth through bordering East Bengal. The communists left Arakan State at the start of the dry season, utilizing mountain paths through to Chin alongside unarmed columns of displaced persons.

——

Otsla

         May, 1951 | ۱۹۵۱ حمل

        پادشاهی افغانستان ☪ Dǝ Afġānistān Šahi Dawlat
        FINDING FRIENDS IN A PIT OF SNAKES

In the post-war world, the old European empires have seemingly fallen off, and many countries previously under colonial rule have emerged as independent states. The British Empire lost its grasp over the Indian subcontinent, resulting in the independence of India and Pakistan, two states with which Afghanistan holds different relationships. Despite Afghanistan having initially supported Pakistan in the First Kashmir War, relations between the two states grew tense due to the pressing issue over the Pashtun people on the Pakistani side of the Durand Line. As a result of this brewing tension, Afghanistan would begin building seeking relations with India, starting with the signing of a Friendship Treaty on the 4th of January, 1950; affirming "everlasting peace and friendship between the two Governments," the treaty allowed for the establishment of diplomatic and consular posts in each other's territories. Per standard, the treaty provided that each signatory should be able to establish trade agencies in the other's territory. The treaty would last for five years in the first instance, and at the end of that period, it would be terminable at six months' notice. Despite these diplomatic movements, Afghanistan held on to the notion of "Keep your friends close, but keep thy enemies closer." by keeping cordial relations with Pakistan, even after the border skirmishes. This was mainly because much of Afghan trade passed through Pakistan to the port city of Karachi; thus, it was necessary for Kabul not to be openly hostile to Pakistan. Despite last year's incident at the Bogra pass, when Pakistani Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated, Kabul sent a sympathetic message and a tribute to his ability. Aside from India and Pakistan, Iran was also visited by an Afghan delegation to begin entire operations after the Afghan embassy in Tehran was finally built. While present at the embassy inauguration, Prime Minister Shah Mahmud Khan, met with his Iranian counterpart to sign a treaty of friendship. Previously relations had been distant since the collapse of the Qajar Dynasty and Amanullah Shah's exile in the 1929 Civil War. Only recently reviving in 1939, the kings of the two countries signed an accord to share water rights over the Helmand River, which was signed but never ratified. Afghanistan made diplomatic history when Afghan diplomat, Sayyid Khan, met with the Burmese foreign minister, Sao Hkum Hkio, establishing a diplomatic mission in the Burmese capital of Yangon. Discussions about Kabul possibly hosting the first IORAS convention are in the works.

Afghanistan also sought to develop its relations with the US and USSR. On the American side of things, Afghanistan had had a relationship with the US since the 1830s, when Josiah Harlan, an American adventurer and political activist from the Philadelphia area of Pennsylvania, traveled to the Indian subcontinent with intentions of becoming the King of Afghanistan. While he never managed to become Shah, he was awarded the title of Prince of Ghor for providing military aid to Dost Muhammad Khan in his war against the British. The first ever Afghan mission visited the US in 1922, bringing a letter from the Shah to then-President, Warren G. Harding. The letter in question is a thank you for Harlan aiding the Shah's grandfather to secure the throne. The first US envoy would be William Harrison Hornibrook, a non-resident envoy from Tehran. Eventually, the first Legation opened in Kabul in June 1942, with multiple people serving as envoys. After the 2nd World War, the legations in both countries were elevated to the embassy on May 6th, 1948, with Louis Goethe Dreyfus serving as US ambassador since 1949. His majesty, Zahir Shah, sent his cousin, Sadar Mohammed Naim, to serve as Chargé d'affaires in Washington, D.C. Then Habibullah Khan Tarzi serving as the Afghan Ambassador to the US at the present day. Contrary to the US, Afghanistan was much more wary and suspicious of its northern neighbor, the USSR. Since the Russian Empire, Afghanistan had always kept them at a distance due to their past intervention, only given more credence when the Soviets encroached on Afghanistan several times in the 20s due to the civil war and Soviet pursuit of the Basmachi insurgents. It was only in the mid-30s that relations normalized again; relations would change with the independence of Pakistan. With a need for rapid modernization, Afghanistan began engaging more diplomatically with the USSR. Both were establishing legations in 1939; the USSR is selling military surplus cheaply to Afghanistan and recently signed a 4-year trade agreement for duty-free transit of Afghan goods through Soviet territory.

Afghanistan also improved its standing with several European countries, firstly coming to an agreement with France to elevate both legations to embassies. Then for the first time in diplomatic history, Afghanistan and the Union of Benelux established relations by signing a cooperation convention, in which both parties agreed to promote trade relations and base them on the GATT of 1947. Further down the line, engage in cultural and educational exchange in the future. And finally, agree to cooperate in fiscal and financial matters to fight against money laundering and double taxation. Finally, Afghanistan recognized the Federal Republic of Germany. Prince Zarlasht Daoud Khan, son of Minister of Interior Sadar Daoud Khan, became the Afghan envoy to the Federal Republic of Germany. A legation was opened in Berlin, with plans to open a German legation in Kabul. German-Afghan relations go back as far as the late 1800s, with Germany supporting previous Afghan rulers and were especially strong during the 30s. It was only due to British and Soviet pressure during World War 2 that Afghanistan cut relations with Germany. While Afghanistan recognized West Germany, the foreign affairs office made no statements on East Germany, neither approval nor condemnation, to avoid antagonizing relations with the Soviet Union.

Nonador wrote:

        ENGAMELI ZWANIE, Prime Minister-UT; ”Friends! Welcome to Azania”

        | He said leaning in to embrace them warmly with a respectable, and traditional, kiss on either cheek. |

      East Germany DDR

| Water Ulbricht, the General Secretary of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers, was accompanied by Foreign Minister Georg Dertinger and a retinue of advisors, most of them from the fledgling diplomatic corps of East Germany. Fledgling, because much of the world did not recognize the German Democratic Republic in 1951, two years after its establishment in response to the formation of a West German "Federal Republic". The East German State consists of true believers in Socialism, who in no uncertain terms understand themselves to be firmly rooted in the "Eastern Bloc", locked in international class struggle against Capital. But what is to be the battlefield of this struggle, and what tactics and strategies would it call forth? This trip served to test the waters and refine so-called Socialist Realist foreign policy, and what better place than Africa, where East and West alike are beginning to stake their interests. |

| Ulbricht received Zwanie's embrace while a member of the East German delegation stood by to translate between the two. |

    WALTER ULBRICHT: "Prime-Minister Zwanie, it is a pleasure and an honour to visit your beautiful country and to be received in such a friendly way. I admire your country very much, and so does everyone else in the GDR. I hope for fruitful discussions."

| Ulbricht looked on at the dancers with joy, thanking them for their warm welcome and impressive performance. |

Ping: Nonador (sorry for the delay)

    June 1951
    Germany At Sea

G E R M A N   S H I P B U I L D I N G   R E B O R N

    With the end of the War, Allied Forces moved to rapidly disassemble the
    German shipbuilding industry as part of its larger intention to shut down the country's
    ability to wage an offensive war. The founding of the Federal Republic and Western support
    for German reconstruction of its industries to support the strengthening of Western resolve
    against Soviet communism saw a change in heart - and a fire be restarted in the very
    center of German shipbuilding.

BLOHM AND VOSS MANAGEMENT OFFICE, PORT OF HAMBURG, HAMBURG, New Provenance
THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY

| BLOHM AND VOSS was one of the giants of Germany's shipbuilding industry - formerly, at least. It had been founded in 1877 by Hermann Blohm and Ernst Voss as a joint partnership to build steel-hulled ships. During the war, the company grew rapidly as it expanded into the development of aircraft - earning it contracts from the growing German military. As a result of its open cooperation with the war effort, the company was shut down by occupation authorities and the Federal Republic refused to reinstate its permit to operate as a federally-recognized business in the country for years, until in June 1950 the City Government of Hamburg voted by a small margin to approve the operate to allow for the re-establishment and continuance of operations of Blohm and Voss. The re-opening of the company would be deemed highly controversial by Germany's newly independent media, however the Hamburg authorities would endeavor to assauge potential fears of favoritism for Blohm and Voss over other shipbuilding companies based in the area by forcing a shakeup of the company's corporate leadership. |

| The restart of operations for one of Germany's largest shipbuilding companies marked yet another step forward in the Federal Republic's intention to jumpstart its various industries - from steel to aeronautics engineering to railways and consumer goods and exporting. With the country marching into the 1950s under the steady helm of Federal Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and Minister for Economy Ludwig Erhard, comprehensive plans to continue the economic growth and massive production output increases seen over the past two years are already being made. So far, the economic recovery enjoyed by Germans have placed the CDU/CSU government in an extremely positive position, and in a speech to the Bundestag's Special Committee for Economics and Finance (Bundestags-Sonderausschuss für Wirtschaft und Finanzen), Minister Erhard affirmed his trust in the subsidizing and supporting of 'massive industrial growth' as a 'key driver to German economic prosperity in the coming decades'. |

| Already, as the success of German industrial revival is seen within key industries on the land, the rebirth of Germany's industry at sea is also beginning to form. During the War, the German shipbuilding industry had been heavily - perhaps even overly - dependent on military contracts from the Wehrmacht. The Federal Government sought to dissolve this mindset, understanding that a German Navy would not exist for a few years, at the very least. Instead, the Adenauer government offered subsidies to rising shipbuilding companies new and old (Blohm and Voss and a new company known as Meer Werke, or Sea Works) to support their development of new vessels ranging from passenger ferries to cargo vessels to export the goods produced by the country's growing export industry. Blohm and Voss would under the new management mandated by the Hamburg City Government issue plans to develop a passenger ferry and two different cargo ships by 1955, with the intention of securing federal contracts to re-open its aeronautics wing in the future. |

    DIE ZEIT (Excerpt) | "Blohm and Voss returns with federal contracts to develop Hamburg shipbuilding." | [...] The issuance of contracts worth an estimated $100,000 to Blohm and Voss, and an estimated $150,000 to other companies and consortiums seeking to establish their own foothold in Hamburg shipbuilding, was confirmed by the Ministry for Economy Friday. A spokesperson of the ministry affirmed that the issuance of contracts and subsidies were 'another step forward in the Federal Government's plan to revive the industries of Germany to create a resilient, robust and prosperous economy'.

| The revival of Germany's shipbuilding, however, would revive interest in the revival of the highly controversial German arms industry - which had supported the war effort and was almost entirely shut down with the Allied occupation. The debate would proceed in the Bundestag alongside verbal clashes over policy to direct the country's plan for the decade of the Fifties, especially concerning urban railways, public transportation, and public welfare nets that the SPD is pushing to implement. |

        RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE
        
        FRENCH BUREAUCRACY 
        
        MINISTČRE DES AFFAIRES ÉTRANGČRES

      ______

      FRENCH FOREIGN MINISTRY: A RENEWED FRANCE SEEKS ENLIGHTENMENT AND NEW GLOBAL PARTNERSHIPS
      IVTH FRENCH REPUBLIC | PARIS, JUNE 1951

    | HELM OF DIPLOMACY, MINISTČRE DES AFFAIRES ÉTRANGČRES - | With the conclusion of the February Conference in Zaire and the immediate border changes being made to central African states, France has hailed the historic achievement as an absolute victory for Africans and Frenchman alike. The changes which have seen France's image in the colonial world vastly improve, has also opened up many new doors to relations with other African nations such as Ethiopia, Azania, Zaire, and others. In fact French Government investments in Africa have more than doubled in the last 3 months since the conference while private sector investments have increased tenfold. These changes which have been greatly beneficial for African nations will hopefully blot out Soviet influence on the continent as Africans seem to favor Western investments.

    While France builds a new image for itself and Europe abroad, French policy makers back home in Paris have began echoing calls for action over the Saar Protectorate with many arguing that it should be reintegrated into the folds of the French Republic. Their arguments are backed by the more than 1,300 years of history that the region shared with the Kingdom of the Franks and the French kings who sought from the 17th century onwards, to incorporate all the territories on the western side of the river Rhine and repeatedly invaded the area in 1635, 1676, 1679, and in 1734, extending their realm to the river Saar and establishing the city and stronghold of Saarlouis in 1680. It was not the king of France but the armies of the French Revolution who terminated the independence of the states in the region of the Saarland.

    After 1792 they conquered the region and made it part of the French Republic. While a strip in the west belonged to the Département Moselle, the centre in 1798 became part of the Département de Sarre, and the east became part of the Département du Mont-Tonnerre. After the defeat of Napoleon in 1815, the region was divided again. Most of it became part of the Prussian Rhine Province. Another part in the east, corresponding to the present Saarpfalz district, was allocated to the Kingdom of Bavaria. A small part in the northeast was ruled by the Duke of Oldenburg. On 31 July 1870, the French Emperor Napoleon III ordered an invasion across the River Saar to seize Saarbrücken. The first shots of the Franco-Prussian War 1870-1871 were fired on the heights of Spichern, south of Saarbrücken. The Saar region became part of the German Empire which came into existence on 18 January 1871, during the course of the war.

    While several French politicians would like to see the region reintegrated with France entirely, others have called for the region's complete independence as a new sovereign state. President Vincent Auriol has vowed that a referendum shall take place by the end of the year which will ask Saarland citizens if they want to become independent or rejoin the French Republic and be granted French citizenship along with all the rights and liberties that come with it. The French Government has also pledged to work with West Germany on the issue as it is a primarily Franco-German one with a sensitive past. France hopes that the two nations will find an agreeable solution to the Saar Protectorate with the assistance of the people of Saarland itself voicing their opinions on the matter.

    Meanwhile the French Republic has expanded relations with the Benelux and Great Britain by signing the Trilateral Security Protocol for the Caribbean. The protocol creates a joint security apparatus between the three European nations which will ensure the protection of overseas territories and departments in that part of the world. Additionally France has secured a lucrative partnership with Iran after signing an economic and security partnership with Tehran. The Shah has become a valued partner to the West and France in particular after he agreed to purchase primarily French armaments for his modernizing armed forces. Afghanistan has even sought to expand relations in hopes of securing foreign investment which is seen as a favorable pull away from Soviet influence. The French legation in Kabul has been upgraded to a full embassy as a result. |

      ______

        VIVE LA RÉPUBLIQUE!
        
        VIVE LA FRANCE!
        
        VIVE L’EMPIRE!

East Germany DDR wrote:| Water Ulbricht, the General Secretary of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers, was accompanied by Foreign Minister Georg Dertinger and a retinue of advisors, most of them from the fledgling diplomatic corps of East Germany. Fledgling, because much of the world did not recognize the German Democratic Republic in 1951, two years after its establishment in response to the formation of a West German "Federal Republic". The East German State consists of true believers in Socialism, who in no uncertain terms understand themselves to be firmly rooted in the "Eastern Bloc", locked in international class struggle against Capital. But what is to be the battlefield of this struggle, and what tactics and strategies would it call forth? This trip served to test the waters and refine so-called Socialist Realist foreign policy, and what better place than Africa, where East and West alike are beginning to stake their interests. |

| Ulbricht received Zwanie's embrace while a member of the East German delegation stood by to translate between the two. |

    WALTER ULBRICHT: "Prime-Minister Zwanie, it is a pleasure and an honour to visit your beautiful country and to be received in such a friendly way. I admire your country very much, and so does everyone else in the GDR. I hope for fruitful discussions."

| Ulbricht looked on at the dancers with joy, thanking them for their warm welcome and impressive performance. |

Ping: Nonador (sorry for the delay)

Zwane would gesture towards the garden entrance where, several yards ahead, a small area had been set aside for the Prime Minister and General Secretary to sit. Having been the benefactor of a European exchange program as part of his secondary education, Zwane had no need for either a German nor French translator. Instead, wanting to have a more intimate.. and indeed direct meeting with his counterpart, allowed his Minister of External Affairs to escort the other members of the delegation back inside of the Union Buildings where a Minister’s meeting was to occur between the a East German and Azanian representatives.

Beginning their slow walk to the seated area, Zwane would continue in warm conversation with Mister Ulbricht.

    ENGAMELI ZWANE, Prime Minister-UT; ”I thank-you for your kind words… the divine has graced us to live in a land so filled with natural beauty.. we only hope that the things we build here, can exist in harmony with it-… take this garden for example, many of the plants you see here predate the Union Buildings by hundreds of years. Some who took root upon this hill even before men came to inhabit the Cape.. here before either of our great-grand parents were conceived, and likely to remain long after we both are gone….”

    | Zwane would take a moment and pause before continuing. |

    ENGAMELI ZWANE, Prime Minister-UT; ”I was rather surprised when the first communique was received from your government…. When peace was secured in Europe, I was unsure of what would rise from the ashes and, among them, I could not have foreseen that where once there was a single Germany.. now there are two…”

Nonador wrote:

ENGAMELI ZWANE, Prime Minister-UT; ”I was rather surprised when the first communique was received from your government…. When peace was secured in Europe, I was unsure of what would rise from the ashes and, among them, I could not have foreseen that where once there was a single Germany.. now there are two…”

| Ulbricht kept the pace alongside Zwane, listening to him with intent. |

WALTER ULBRICHT: "Believe me, Mr. Zwane, neither did I expect Germany to be broken apart after so many years in exile in the Soviet Union. Despite what you might hear in the West Press, it's not just the line of our government that the division is illegal. I truly believe that there should be a single, neutral Germany, and so do many others even in the USSR. What we want is a peaceful Europe and an equal, post-colonial world. Your country and the peace it has forged between the different tribal peoples is a model."

Ping: Nonador

        THE EMPIRE OF IRAN
        
        امپراتوری ایران

      ______

      FOUNDATION FOR PAHLAVISM ECONOMICS
      FAZLOLLAH ZAHEDI ADMINISTRATION | TEHRAN, JUNE 1951


    The
    PAHLAVI ECONOMIC MODEL FOR THE REJUVENATION OF THE IRANIAN LEGACY
    الگوی اقتصادی پهلوی برای جوان سازی میراث ایرانی


    On the Construction of Economics Practices Uniquely Compatible to the Iranian Condition
    در مورد ساخت رویه های اقتصادی سازگار منحصر به فرد با شرایط ایران

    13 June 1951

    With great change comes greater responsibilities and with greater responsibilities come even greater opportunities for success, unity, and development. Ever since the end of World War II, Iran has, as a country, demonstrated that our unorthodox approach to economic liberalism is one that can work and foster prosperity and affluence. Our means of economic policy and domestic development and governance may not be for other countries; however, it works for the Iranian Empire and it has demonstrated its ability to be able to adaptable. Current Iranian economic proposals and ambitions has brought Iran to where it is now: a growing regional power and future regional, or in some cases theater, superpower. In the current conditions that the world has found itself in after WWII, it is rather safe to say that we are all left in ambiguity. The possibility of yet another global catastrophic warfare is very imminent at every second and the changing of ideological alignment around the world only proliferates confusion and paranoia. Iran is not immune to such paranoia; however, what we have been able to illustrate is what makes us paranoid also makes us more determined and focused to overcome this paranoia. That is why Iran must continue to look forward in our capabilities of innovation, ingenuity, trust, solidarity, and commitment to the enrichment and advancement of National Interest both domestic and abroad. Such dedication and determination originates from a strong economic system, one that is not commanded but guided while on the other hand, one that is structured and protected but also free, loose, and expansive. So, what are the framework conditions and enterprise support policies Iran needs to ensure robust productivity and employment growth? Perhaps the best way to think about the needed policies is to envision a four-level pyramid. At the base level are key framework conditions such as the rule of law, ease of doing business, competitive markets, flexible labor markets, effective protection of property, including intellectual property, and a culture of trust. Without these key framework conditions, even the most sophisticated innovation and industrial policies will not succeed. The next level includes an effective tax, trade, and investment environment. Key considerations here are establishing a globally competitive tax environment and implementing policies that encourage trade and foreign direct investment. Regarding FDI, Iran wins if it plays an attraction strategy, not a compulsion strategy, especially since many global corporations are actively seeking an alternative investment location. After these factors are in place, nations need to focus on supporting the kinds of external factors firms need in order to succeed. These include robust physical infrastructures, a skilled workforce with broad-based general capabilities as well as the specialized skills matching needs of key industries, and robust knowledge creation (e.g., investment in science and technology). But even these are not enough. Indeed, with more nations realizing that mastery of these three levels is needed just to “be in the game,” success requires going to a fourth level that includes effectively crafted innovation and productivity policies specifically tailored to a country’s competitive strengths and weaknesses. Policies here include provisions such as R&D tax incentives, support for regional innovation clusters, and support for innovative small businesses.

    The Ministry of the Economy shall implement a proactive fiscal policy to optimize the structure of government expenditures and use government funds more efficiently while the Ministry of Finance and Industry will improve tax policies that encourage structural adjustments to strengthen local government debt management and promote sustainable agricultural development while advancing urbanization. Both Ministries will establish joint agencies and new departments with Assembly commissions to refine the medical and health care and social security systems and give impetus to the reform and development of education, science and technology, and culture. It has been deemed an important goal to improve the structure of central government investment in capital construction and to continue to review and regulate charges and fees to reduce the burden on businesses. The Iranian government moves to establish the Railway Development Fund to attract social capital into the railway construction, especially in central, western, and southern regions of the Empire. Moreover, both Ministries will work to support the pilot and demonstration projects to build new types of urbanization via promoting the use of the Public and Private Partnership (PPP) model and encourage the involvement of nongovernmental capital in investing and operating urban infrastructure by means of franchises and other means. The Prime Minister has hereby signaled to leverage the role of development projects to finance and accelerate redevelopment of shanty towns while exploring new ways to establish national guidance funds for venture capital in emerging industries to encourage and guide the development of production-oriented service industries. This is why it is recommended for Iranian policymakers to implement the following policy recommendations to continue to invigorate robust and sustainable economic growth. The recommendations are grouped into three categories: 1) overarching domestic; 2) specific domestic; and 3) international.


    OVERARCHING DOMESTIC ECONOMIC REORIENTATION
    جهت گیری مجدد اقتصاد داخلی

    a) Improve the process of Iranian interagency communication and coordination in the development and promulgation of administrative and agency rulemaking, including increased transparency and mechanisms for soliciting stakeholder input.

    b) Bring increased clarity and certainty to Iran’s regulatory environment across national, state, and regional levels.

    c) Appoint a National Productivity Commission and establish a Best Public Policies Practices Council that identifies effective economic growth policies and practices in Iran’s states and promotes them at the national level across Iran.


    SPECIFIC DOMESTIC ECONOMIC STRUCTURE REORIENTATION
    جهت گیری مجدد ساختار اقتصادی داخلی خاص

    a) Implement the Goods and Services Tax (GST) and bring stability to the corporate tax code.

    b) Reform labor market laws to allow greater labor market flexibility.

    c) Reform business registration procedures and allocate additional resources to intellectual property rights (IPR) enforcement
    activities.

    d) Improve efficiency in ports by introducing a reconstructed customs process to ensure easy and streamlined movement of goods across Iranian borders.

    e) Allow increased percentages of strategic foreign ownership and presence in more industries, including accounting, banking, legal services, life sciences, and retail trade, among others.


    INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC RELATIONS STRUCTURE REORIENTATION
    جهت گیری مجدد ساختار اقتصادی داخلی خاص

    a) Join international negotiations seeking to expand product coverage of Information Technology Agreements (ITA).

    b) Complete Bilateral Trade and Investment (BIT) Agreements to promote foreign direct investment in Iran.


    COMPREHENSIVE REEVALUATION TO ENSURE ECONOMIC RENAISSANCE AND DOMESTIC RECONSTRUCTION FOR PROSPERITY
    تجدید ارزیابی جامع برای اطمینان از رنسانس اقتصادی و بازسازی داخلی برای رفاه

    If Iran is to realize its extraordinary economic potential, lift citizens out of poverty, and successfully address its looming demographic dividend, policymakers need to think anew and adopt a bold economic growth strategy: a Modern Economy Path based on robust across-the-board productivity growth across all agriculture, manufacturing, and service sectors achieved by applying a comprehensive growth pyramid of policies. In order for Iran to reach its full potential, Iran must continue to embrace core tenets of free and competitive markets, open and non-discriminatory trade, and openness to flows of goods, technology, capital, and people. The best way for Iran to grow its economy and to create more high value-added jobs in manufacturing and services is not by introducing trade-distorting practices, but by encouraging market-based competition among domestic and foreign competitors, embracing an across-the-board productivity growth strategy, and investing in the innovation potential of its economy. The Ministry Finances has announced that the Iranian Constituency Assembly and the National Bank of Iran shall continue to liberalize interest rates by granting financial institutions more discretion to set interest rates. In line with development of market and economic and financial conditions, the National Bank of Iran will allow the exchange rate to adjust itself toward stability around the appropriate equilibrium level, with greater two-way floating flexibility of finances along with a greater role of the aggregate, actual market. The National Bank of Iran is to strengthen Iran's capability to withhold foreign exchange intervention except for abnormal circumstances, which is aimed at managed floating arrangement based on market supply and demand.

    Iran must pursue actions to enlarge the cross-border use of the Iranian Rial and move gradually toward convertibility under capital account. The National Bank of Iran is to establish a more concrete and effective macro-prudential policy framework targeting external debt (if it arises in the future) and capital flows, and improve risk management in an increasingly open capital account. The Board of Directors for the National Bank of Iran is to switch in policy to allow for Qualified private capital to set up financial institutions such as small or medium-sized banks, conditioned on strengthened supervision. Iran now aims to attract qualified private capital to participate and invest in financial institutions and financing intermediaries and to establish a deposit insurance system and improve the risk disposal of financial institutions. The National Bank of Iran is to incentivize the private sector to accelerate the development of multi-layered capital markets, promote the reform of stock issuance registration, encourage equity financing through diversified channels, raise the proportion of direct financing, develop and standardize the bond market, and promote the two-way opening-up of capital markets. Furthermore, as part of the financial and economic reconstruction, the central government is to standardize the development of agriculture insurance, explore catastrophe insurance, encourage the expansion of commercial pension and health insurance, and deepen the development of liability insurance. Moreover, the National Bank of Iran is to promote the improving of the coordination of financial oversight, and closely monitor the cross-border capital flows. The financial sector must play a more active and participatory role in serving the real economy, including small and micro businesses, agriculture, rural areas, and farmers.

    خداوند امپراتوری ایران را حفظ کند. خدا رحمت کنه شاه رو

    Read dispatch

East Germany DDR wrote:| Ulbricht kept the pace alongside Zwane, listening to him with intent. |

WALTER ULBRICHT: "Believe me, Mr. Zwane, neither did I expect Germany to be broken apart after so many years in exile in the Soviet Union. Despite what you might hear in the West Press, it's not just the line of our government that the division is illegal. I truly believe that there should be a single, neutral Germany, and so do many others even in the USSR. What we want is a peaceful Europe and an equal, post-colonial world. Your country and the peace it has forged between the different tribal peoples is a model."

Ping: Nonador

    ENGAMELI ZWANE, Prime Minister-UT; ”It has been a long road to reach this point.. but we still have an even longer way to go, to truly embody the model you speak of. The division of the German people is a tragedy.. and I fear that it may be one which will lead to conflict in the future.. if you could forgive my directness, the world - I fear - may not survive another war sparked in Central Europe.”

    | Reaching the shaded area, Zwane would extend his hand towards the chair opposite of his, and wait for his guest to sit before he would follow. |

BLATNIK FORMS ‘COALITION AGAINST COMMUNISM’—KOPROKOM—AND MAKES A PLEA FOR SUPPORT

    TO SHACKLE THE BEAST NEXT DOOR
    SLOVENIA—JUNE 1951

Just one month after three bullets tore through his chest, right-wing assemblyman Borut Blatnik returned to the political stage with strengthened legitimacy. The attempt on his life had effectively proved his talking points: that Soviet-backed agents were indeed seeping into the country, and that they would attempt to uproot the entire Slovene political establishment by violent means. New crowds flocked to hear his passionate speeches, though his doctor discouraged giving them regularly. Beljak became a hive of anti-communist activities, and seizing the national mood, Blatnik announced the creation of the Koalicija proti komunizmu (“Coalition against Communism”), or Koprokom, in a statement outside his Beljak residence in June 1951. “We in Slovenia are the vanguard against redness,” he asserted. “Millions, hypnotized by this ideology and its relentless pursuit of overturning the world’s progress, now hope to shatter the foundation of our great Slovenian house and the soil on which it was built. We must show them that their roots cannot spread in Slovenia—that the soil of Slovenia exudes an acid which will rebuke their every attempt to draw near.” Quick to announce support for him was 70-year-old General Leon Rupnik, a former military officer with whom the Slovenian government cut ties for his radical sentiments. Other conservative figures soon joined in the chorus of anti-communism, and by the end of the month Koprokom—describing itself as a ‘political action organization’ whose claimed activities placed it somewhere between a paramilitary organization and fundraising campaign—would number over two thousand members.

The government of Prime Minister Andrej Gosar trod carefully around Koprokom. To endorse them would be to endorse a popular cause, yes—but also to tie the presiding government to radicals who could deeply tarnish the image of the broadly respected Slovene People’s Party. The closest Gosar himself came to endorsing Koprokom, therefore, was to say when questioned by the press that he “lamented the entrapment of our brothers and sisters under communist banners”, though he refused to elaborate further. This was an extremely common opinion: the ‘lost million’ Slovenes were sincerely mourned by the many who had read Dr. Dragan Šanda’s claims of the Kajkavians and their essential slovenstvo (“Sloveneness”), which implied that the northernmost Croats of Yugoslavia were Slovenes misnamed for political reasons, as their dialect was fully intelligible with Prekmurje Slovene. The belief had spread widely among the Slovene public, as it is built on genuine truth: that Kajkavians are—linguistically, at least—identical to Prekmurje Slovenes. The beliefs of Koprokom reached beyond just the ‘lost million’, however. To them, it was not just the Kajkavians needing emancipation, but every people under communist rule. Those who actively criticized the Yugoslavs and other Eastern nations, and who would refuse trade and collaboration with them, were helping the cause. Those who were conspicuously silent were traitors to human civilization. This lent a new animosity towards Italy, Slovenia’s most populous neighbor and which remains at tension with it in spite of the greater Eastern threat. “For not supporting our nation in its struggle,” Borut Blatnik had spoken months prior, “the Italians deserve our most bitter vilification. How could they see the towering East, and yet instead of standing in a shield of solidarity, fantasize of oppressing the Slovenes once more?”

Those who were silent, Koprokom insisted, were the enemy.

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