by Max Barry

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«12. . .92,02292,02392,02492,02592,02692,02792,028. . .92,04792,048»

        የኢትዮጵያ ሰለሞናዊ ግዛት
        Ye’ītiyop’iya Selemonawī Gizati



    ኢትዮጵያ - የቼኮዝሎቫክ ኢንዱስትሪ ልማት እና የጦር መሳሪያ ምርት ስምምነት

    On the Acceptance of Industry Development and Arms Production Assistance from Czechoslovakia
    ከቼኮዝሎቫኪያ የኢነርጂ ልማት እና የጦር መሳሪያዎች ዕርዳታ መቀበል ላይ

    10 January 1951

    The Governments of Czechoslovakia and the Solomonic State of Ethiopia have come together in agreement to provide Ethiopia the capacity assistance to develop a healthy, robust industrial infrastructure intended to diversify the Ethiopian economy and spearhead heavy industry in East Africa. The assistance from Czechoslovakia for industry development prompts Addis Ababa to accept the offer and spur domestic modernization. Understanding the necessity of heavy industries, the agreement with Czechoslovakia intends to stabilize the internal sectors and promote healthy economic coordination between the two nations.

    Per the agreements, Czechoslovakia has offered Addis Ababa an arms agreement that entails Czechoslovakia receiving approval to construct arms manufacturing and specialization plants in Ethiopia under the condition that Ethiopians will be hired to work. Weaponry produced at the manufacturing plants will be sold to the Ethiopian military with significant discounted pricing. In accordance with the Ethiopian Ministry of Defense, this offer has been hereby approved and authorized. Addis Ababa looks forward to fruitful relations with Czechoslovakia as the framework for the Ethiopian Renaissance continues to solidify and global friendships and strategic partners have been established.

    እግዚአብሔር የሰለሞን መንግስት ይባርክ

    Read dispatch

    여름 1950 | 1950 Early September
      Seoul | 한성
        [b]Korea | 한국

          Meeting of Minds - Royals under the DPRK

        | Since 1945 the royals had been out of power; their previous funds had dried up, no longer receiving state subsidies. The heir to the House, Prince Haneul, had been minded to secure their economic future using his status as not only a Prince, but a prominent independence activist in the latter half of the World War. The limited funds they had were promptly invested into several start-up businesses that had begun to spring up following the liberation of Korea. Property had also become a large part of the focus; opening up many of the Palaces outside of Seoul and turning them into ‘National Parks’ with a small charge for entry. |

        | Although Korea’s economy had not boomed like promised by President Rhee, the Royal Household had the desired economic stability they needed in order to preserve themselves. Although no longer officials under or leading the Korean Government, they had by no means disappeared off the face of the Earth, they kept up public appearances at fund-raisers or hosting dinners, even just mingling with the locals in Seoul when they went out shopping for supplies (having concluded having a team of servants was too expensive). When President Rhee attempted to remove their entire property portfolio and confiscate their funds as reparations for the treaties signed with Japan in the beginning of the 20th century; a series of protests broke out in support of the monarchy. Rhee’s idea was popular in the 1930s, but by the 1940s the Royals that remained in Korea, in the eyes of the public, had fought for Korea against Japan and risked their lives. Rhee’s policy was abandoned eventually, although it quickly set the royals and President on an unavoidable collision course for the next decade. |

        | Now Seoul and the Palace were under northern occupation, the royals had largely been left alone, their status as royals was despised by the DPRK leadership, but their position as freedom fighters had given them a position of respect by many of those in the top circles of the DPRK government. As the war progressed and the DPRK was pushed into retreat by the end of September, combined with the landings at Incheon, a familiar figure paid a visit to discuss Korea’s future. |

          Prince Haneul: “Ah, General Secretary Kim, I was expecting a visit. I thought you'd be back in Pyongyang already?”

          Kim Il-sung: “I leave this evening, my visit here isn’t on my schedule, but I feel now may be our only chance for the next few years.”

        | An older figure would emerge from the outside corridor into the room the two men were in, walking in with a cane he’d give a respectful bow to Kim, which was returned by Kim himself. |

          Prince Imperial Uihwa: “Nice to finally meet you in person General Secretary, I assume you are to inform us of your withdrawal?”
          Kim Il-sung: “Not yet, I am here to discuss the future of Korea. A Korea without Rhee, united as one. The north is on the backfoot, there is a possible future with Rhee at the helm of a united Korea, so now might be the apt time to meet my potential future allies against him.”

        | The two royals would look to one another before giving a small nod; inviting Kim to take a seat with them in one of the more private rooms of the complex, still overshadowed by the former Japanese Colonial Government Building built in its grounds. |

          Prince Haneul: “The first step is to recognise that Rhee only desires power; our economy has tanked and public health has barely climbed since the occupation. People still love him, and we have to accept that, we have to wait for him to trip himself up first.”

          Kim Il-sung: “At some point he will likely overestimate his capabilities or popularity; much like he did in attempting to seize your wealth and properties. News of the move reached us in the north fairly quickly. Once the people are against him the opportunity must be seized through force or other means.”

        | Following roughly half an hour of discussions between the Princes and General Secretary no formal agreement was reached on paper; but the three had a pact. If Korea had the chance to remove Rhee, the three would act to seize power from him, uniting Korea under more democratic leadership. Prince Imperial Uihwa posed one last, more fundamental question. |

          Uihwa: “Mr. General Secretary, not to sound doubtful, but given your ideology how can you expect us to trust you fully in not removing us and having us disposed of in the name of the revolution?”

        | Kim sat silently for what felt like an eternity, before giving a small and brief smile. |

          Kim Il-sung: “Mutual respect. We all fought to see Korea free from Japanese rule; and the reign of King Geon. We fought for different visions of Korea, but at the heart of it all of them sought a free Korea. The people respect that you went against your own family to ensure that vision. If Rhee faced protests against his attempts to rip you from your home; imagine what I’d face if I tried to rip you from Korea itself.”

        | Uihwa would give a small nod to Kim, having no doubts he meant those words. The three would bid farewell to one another; interlinked in their new mission, no longer to free Korea from Japan, but now to free Korea from President Rhee. |

        የኢትዮጵያ ሰለሞናዊ ግዛት
        Ye’ītiyop’iya Selemonawī Gizati



    ኢትዮጵያ - የግሪክ ቢላቴራል መከላከያ ትብብር ስምምነት

    On the Establishment of the Ethiopian-Greek Bilateral Defense Cooperation Agreement
    የኢትዮጵያና የግሪክ የሁለትዮሽ የመከላከያ ትብብር ስምምነት ስለመመስረት

    20 January 1951

    The Governments of Kingdom of Greece and the Solomonic State of Ethiopia over the course of the past weeks have conducted extensive conversations and summits regarding the restoration of relations and productive partnerships to ensure the full prosperity of the Horn of Africa and to jointly contribute to peace in the growing important trade lanes of the Red Sea and the Eastern Mediterranean. Despite Greek's assistance to Italy during the Italo-Abyssinia Wars, the Government of Greece has prompted the development of mutually beneficial agreements in a gesture of reconciliation accepted by His Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I. Through extensive efforts and diplomatic conversations, the Government of the Solomonic State of Ethiopia hereby accepts the proposals provided by Greece.

    The multilayered agreements culminate with the understanding of the importance of Ethiopian stability and the preservation of Ethiopian national security and sovereignty. With the location of Addis Ababa at the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, Arabian Sea, the Indian Ocean, and the Red Sea, Greece and Ethiopia has begun a new chapter in diplomatic and security relations. The final agreement accepted by Ethiopia is a mutual understanding of mutual defensive assistance. Through this agreement, Ethiopia has agreed to increase mineral resource exports to Greece and, depending on the situation, provide aid and assistance to Greece in the event of tension and turmoil in the Eastern Mediterranean. In return, Greece has agreed to provide defensive assistance to Ethiopia in the moment Ethiopian national sovereignty and security is targeted by adversarial forces both foreign and domestic to ensure the stability of the Imperial government. Additionally, Greece has willingly approved to provide Ethiopia with the designs and production capacity to the GMT-50 Medium Tank and various warship designs intended to spark the Ethiopian shipbuilding industry and heavy industries sectors. The culmination of relations between Greece and Ethiopia through these arrangements is a testament to the growing relevancy and acknowledgment of Ethiopia as a peaceful, negotiable, and business-oriented nation that seeks decorum, peace, stability, and tranquility. Through this reconciliation agreement, His Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I has officially signed the agreements under an imperial decree, thus an indication of permanence and direct approval. It is through the Office of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet of Ministers this agreement is determined binding.

    እግዚአብሔር የሰለሞን መንግስት ይባርክ

    Read dispatch




    | HELM OF DIPLOMACY, MINISTČRE DES AFFAIRES ÉTRANGČRES - | The European community has remained hard at work to ensure a safer and prosperous future for all Europeans collectively. The creation of the European Steel and Coal Community has paved the way towards greater cooperation and is but a mere stepping stone towards what France hopes will become the desired tripolarity with the United States and USSR. Prime Minister René Pleven pressured President Vincent Auriol to sign the Treaty of Paris, which would officially make France a full member of the bloc. On January 15th the President, with assurances from the Prime Minister signed the treaty.

    Shortly thereafter, President Auriol, having heard of the election news in Spain declared his support for the more moderate Indalecio Prieto whom had just been elected the new Prime Minister of the Spanish People's Republic. Despite Spain's shift towards socialism before and during the Second Great War, the French Government has and still holds cooperation and friendship with Spain as an utmost priority. The Republic of France is even supportive of Spain potentially joining the ECSC and cooperating with the rest of Western Europe, however the Spanish People's Republic continues to oblige it's status in Comecon and thus the rest of Western Europe remains hesitant to say the least on allowing Spain into the fold. France hopes the Spanish Government will prioritize some sort of Westernization policies in the future, enabling them to embark on the same path as the rest of the European Community.

    Meanwhile the French Republic has began it's Grande Rénovation Africaine and in doing so has granted assurances to Ethiopia that it shall gain Djibouti no later than 1977 which is when France aims to relinquish control of all African colonial possessions by that time. Additionally a French delegation is set to attend a conference with the Zairian Government with Mrs. Gloria Banza and Marie Izuru in attendance regarding the future of Zaire and central Africa which will undoubtedly mark historic cooperation between the two states which will ultimately usher in an era of Zairian and indeed central African prosperity. Being the benevolent colonial power in Africa, the French Government has ordered the privatization of a number of industries in Africa to include mining and the exploitation of natural resources. The Trans-Saharan Railroad and Central African Railroad are also to become privately owned. Meanwhile thousands of French investors are preparing to invest in a number of new startup companies and Africa's future. |


        VIVE L’EMPIRE!


10th of February, 1951


| On the 10th of February, 1951, the French delegation arrived in the capital of the United People of Zaire, marking a historic moment with the Zairian-French Conference - so called The February Conference - opening. The conference is bound to be historic due to its nature and what it entails. Press from all around the world have made their way to attend the four day conference upon which Zaire and France will draw upon new African borders in regards to Zaire and the French Colonies. However, no specific details have been released to the public about what the border changes entail.

The French delegation was met with a grand opening, with key members of the French government attending the conference. From Zairean side, the First Representative of Zaire, Gloria Banza, The Head of the Finest Assembly, Marie Izuru, the Expert to Foreign Affairs, Celine Mezeri alongside prominent business people of Zaire and other vice-Experts from other ministries attending the conference. The Conference will last four days but as of 10th of February, the talks have began.

The change to borders has been discussed since the early 1940, but due to the war break out, the French and the Zairean governments had not managed to speak about it. In 1947, the first signs of reopening the conversations began, which concluded in May of 1949. Many thought that the conversation has been dropped, but during her visit in Paris in 1950 as part of her world tour, Mrs Banza apparently spoke about the topic with both Mr De Gaulle and the French President. By November of 1950, both governments rekindled the talks with plans for the conference being set up by the end of November.

The Conference to many is bound to bring a new historic decision for Africa and Europe. With the French government investing far more than expected into its African colonies and creating prosperity around Central and Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Zairean government leading its country into prosperity, it is bound that the two states find a common ground on the topic of the conference. Others, however, are less optimistic, viewing the Conference as a staged performance of the French government to appeal to the free African states and for Marie Izuru to come out as a diplomatic genius. Either way, the Conference has started and by 14th of February, final decisions will be announced. In her speech to the press, Mrs Banza stated that;

    [ GLORIA BANZA, First Representative of Zaire ]: "I find it very exciting that the Conference is happening, and I would advise you to be too. The French government and the Zairean government are friends, and we are continuing with our great bond. However, the February Conference goes beyond that as it a prelude to a historic decision that I hope will be made. I'm very pleased to say that the French government has positively surprised me with their willingness to talk and most importantly at their large investments into Africa, as to make sure that the African people of the new Africa are enriched culturally, socially and economically. I hope that in four days I will be able to provide good news to you all."


| Hans-Dieter Mundt is called to the scene of a dead western journalist. |

Leave No Trace: Part I
A CoL narration

8:30 local time

There are decades where nothing happens; and there are weeks where decades happen. These days it seemed like whole centuries were being crammed into a few years. Just as one momentous convulsion of world history drew to a close, the next was already beginning, leaving no time to assimilate the results. The German Democratic Republic was eager to leave the past by the wayside, but history, rearing its ugly head as it so often does, had different ideas. No time to bury the dead. Marx made provision for this fact when he wrote to "let the dead bury the dead." Or was it Jesus?

A man. Dead. Strangulated in his apartment in East Berlin. Hans-Dieter Mundt was summoned to the scene, which had been reported that morning to the People's Police by the neighbor, an old lady for whom it was customary to bring the victim pastries. Patrolmen stood guard as Mundt inspected the apartment. Officially he was there as a Detective with the Kriminalpolizei. Unofficially, of course, he was an agent of the Ministry for State Security. The present outing was a combination of sh*t detail and genuine concern on the part of Jens Fiedler, Mundt's immediate superior at the Stasi.

The situation was all too obvious, borne out by the fact that the man was hanging from his ceiling. The People's Police already had a report ready when Mundt arrived: Cause of death - suicide, self-strangulation. Mundt for his part saw no point in doing anything but confirm their assessment. But there was one complication which was also likely the reason why Fiedler had dispatched Mundt, a veteran of clandestine affairs: the man found hung in his apartment was a West German journalist by the name of Gabriel Stein.

"Volksräuber" sneered one of the Policemen. "Thief of the People" is what men such as the unhappy journalist were called in the East German Volksmund (vernacular). His arrangement was not uncommon these days; work in the west where pay is high and live in the east where rent is low. It was the best of both worlds, capitalist enterprise and socialist rent control, which also meant it couldn't last. One day the government would put a stop to it.

Mundt proceeded to rummage through Gabriel Stein's belongings, turning over upholstery here and there, scanning the shelves, and peeking in drawers. His desk drawers were conspicuously empty, and for a journalist's domicile there was an overall lack of papers, documents, and other such items. When the police interviewed the old neighbor lady, she duly informed them that Herr Geist had been living in the apartment for almost half a year. The emptiness of his station may have indicated that he wasn't able to find much work in that time. Perhaps that's why he killed himself? At this point Mundt could only speculate, but it is likely that any other man would have left the scene as is without giving it another thought. But Mundt was under orders to do otherwise, so he noted down what he could and called the coroners. Perhaps their analysis would reveal something that a survey of the habitation could not.

11:00 local time

The coroner's is a grizzly vocation, with only the dead to keep him company. This coroner's office was a bleak, sterile basement at the Charité, a hospital founded in 1710 and one of Berlin's many landmarks. Mundt's thoughts began to drift while he waited for his colleague's analysis, but the dead journalist didn't occupy his mind. That was until the coroner returned:

"Sorry to keep you waiting Herr Mundt. The marks on the neck clearly suggest death by strangulation. However... " The coroner stammered, Mundt impatiently pushed him to complete his sentence. "Upon closer inspection of the corpse I discovered a skin puncture on the left arm, evidently from a needle inserted into the victim. The blood analysis shows high levels of toxicity, suggesting the victim may have been given a poisonous injection that contributed to his death."

Two possibilities presented themselves; either Gabriel Stein had been given an injection before he was hung in his apartment, in which case the hanging served to obscure the true cause of death, or Stein was injected with poison only after being hung, such that whoever administered the poison wanted to make sure he was dead for good. Whatever Stein's injection consisted of, the case of his death had now been injected with intrigue, as either scenario considered by Mundt involved a second person in the journalist's demise. The consequences of this discovery immediately dawned on Mundt. What had already been a politically awkward situation was now a potential scandal of great significance. Did Fiedler know that there was more to Gabriel Stein? Whoever was there for his death, did they take his papers with them? Who would have interest in killing a western journalist? Whose list was he on? The NKVD? Some other department in the Stasi? Mundt's next steps needed to be careful, but he had to start with debriefing Fiedler.

To be continued...

Read dispatch

        የኢትዮጵያ ሰለሞናዊ ግዛት
        Ye’ītiyop’iya Selemonawī Gizati



    በሰለሞን ሥርወ መንግሥት ንጉሣዊ ፍርድ ቤት የመንግስት ስልጣንን ማእከል ማድረግ

    On the Dissolution of the Office of the Prime Minister and the Integration of State Governance to the Emperor
    የጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ፅህፈት ቤት መፍረስ እና የአፄው የመንግስት አስተዳደር ውህደትን በተመለከተ

    18 February 1951

    The dynamics of regional and global affairs have continued to unravel since the ending of World War II. 1945 signaled the end of the global colonial empire era but has gave birth to a new era of resurfacing divisions, turmoil, and long forgotten schisms as those once colonized by overseas authorities are reaching back in history to reclaim historical identities and natural birthrights. The same is the case of Ethiopia. These ancient lands were once noble, respected, and governed through the will, guidance, and patrimonial mercy of the Emperor anointed by God via the lineage of King Solomon through his wife the Queen of Sheba and their son Menelik I. The concept of King and Emperor in the European sense is riddled with examples of tyranny, destruction, violence, and adolescent intellect but here in these lands, the Emperor is the anointed Guide of his people. Through these turbulent times in Africa and around the world as the clear redlines between Washington D.C. and Moscow continue to be drawn in Europe and Asia, Addis Ababa must make every effort to ensure true peace and tranquility in East Africa. The first step of this process is the social and political fueled by the economic and security; however, to achieve the latter, the former must be perfected.

    The geographic position of the Solomonic State makes Addis Ababa a ripe target for subversion and ideological coercion. This is the greatest threat to our development stability and reemergence as a trusted authority. With great consultation comes understanding a decision must be made that safeguards the cultural and historical identities of our people and preserve the strength and mindsets endowed to us by God the Almighty. It is very clear that great times of turbulence and challenge are ahead for the world. This is a fact Addis Ababa will not take lightly so we may guarantee the survival of this State we aim to build and achieve. All people deserve the reality of stability and security to guarantee the rights of prosperity and happiness. This is the undeniable truth that has been prophesized immemorial. However, instead of simply speaking about these philosophical advices and opinions, Ethiopia will motion to act upon these truths.

    We have seen through the course of history what occurs when leadership avoids and ignores clear threat and uncertainty indications and clues. We have observed this through the cycles of empires rising and falling, including in our history. As we recognize historical shortcomings, we strive to ensure our actions break the cycle of historical rhythms so we may be free from ancient shackles formed from consequences and misjudgment. The first step to ensuring the fullness and veneration of the Ethiopian Renaissance and the call to our ancestors for strength and vitality, through considerable consultation with the Office of the Prime Minister and the National Deliberation Council of Ethiopia, it has been deemed necessary to dissolve the Office of the Prime Minister and incorporate the State governance functions of the now defunct role into the Royal Court of the Solomon House under the patriarchy and patrimonial guidance of By the Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah, His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, King of Kings, Lord of Lords, Elect of God. By the political centralization of state authority back into the bloodline of Menelik I, the Queen of Sheba, and King Solomon, we restore the purity of the right to governance and guidance by God's chosen first family in East Africa. The practices of Democracy has been still deemed appropriate and highly necessary for local stability and continual economic modernization; therefore, the practices of the governance by the people will still remain locally and within the economy of state guided free enterprise. By political consolidation into the Solomonic Dynasty, Ethiopia returns back onto a righteous path intended to provide the people a reduction in stress of political choice and expanded freedom and obligation to uplift one another in the fulfillment of the Ethiopian Renaissance and the East African economic miracle.

    እግዚአብሔር የሰለሞን መንግስት ይባርክ

    Read dispatch



In an unusual reprieve from rain during the wet season, the first Azanian (Nonador) planes to reach UluBemba touched down on Kasama’s earthen airstrip in February 1951. Their purpose was pivotal; just months after becoming a founding signatory of the African Union, UluBemba had been designated for an overhaul in infrastructure and development by the Azanian government, aiming to enable the young Sub-Saharan nation to host the Union’s Division of Culture and Arts. Prime Minister Engameli Zwane committed to this purpose to the boundless gratitude of the Chitimukulu; Chilyamafwa II issued a rare statement of personal indebtedness to Zwane, proclaiming him to be ‘a true umwina Afrika’, or ‘man of Africa’. Zwane’s aims were ambitiously high. Government-commissioned Azanian engineers would see to the paving of Kazama’s aerial runway and the construction of high-capacity hangers at the airport, aiming to make it truly capable of facilitating international traffic; the surveying and laying of a cargo and passenger rail track to Élisabethville in Zaire (Paseo) and thereby to Luanda in Azania; a local bus depot and garage to facilitate transport from the airport to the African Union office and other destinations; and the office itself, complete with an archive and electric power from an on-site generation facility. Azanian experts would also be employed to investigate hydroelectric opportunities at Chisimba Falls for a more sustainable power source; early estimates have put the power output of such a station at 70 GWh, far beyond the present consumption of electricity in the country.

On the Bemba side of this operation was 37-year-old Chola Katilungu, an advisor to the Chitimukulu inextricably involved with managing labor in the capital. A self-proclaimed ‘socialist reformer’ with deep interests in the Marxist philosophies of the Soviet Union (OsivoII), he was instrumental in the mass mobilization of a workforce to support the construction effort, aiming for Kasama to be the flashpoint of the larger industrialization of the now antique, traditional Bembaland. It was Katilungu’s vision that would shape the first years of the project as he recruited over a thousand of the city’s residents to help in the Azanian-led projects. Still, the project was a monumental one, and it was not without its casualties. Equipment had to be flown or airlifted in and assembled locally, limiting the equipment used. The first major accident occurred during the summer at the construction site of the bus depot and garage, which was managed by Katilungu. A large crane was brought in to lift the roofing material onto the building—however, it was not properly secured, and it collapsed, killing six workers and injuring at least a dozen more. Despite the accident, the construction team pressed on, and Katilungu ensured that the families of those who perished were taken care of. Sweat and blood would be sacrificed in the pursuit of advancement, and Katilungu knew this well.

    ą A semi-noble labor organizer known as Lawrence Katilungu in OT but a member of the royal court in this timeline.


February 9th 1951

While the Air Force and Army are certainly at an acceptable level, though the technological gap between Propeller driven Yugoslav Fighters and Slovene Jets is immense, leaves a humiliating mess in the form of the Navy. Consisting currently of one Domestically built destroyer (Destroyer Split), four Torpedo Boats acquired from the post war Italian reparations and two submarines (one of which is immobilized as a hulk as it cannot dive) the Navy is one of Europe's smallest and weakest despite its smaller Slovene Neighbor possessing a much more formidable force. One of the measures Tito had taken to ensure Naval Parity was to allow Soviet Bases to be built along the Yugoslav Coast, however even this was little replacement for a proper and prestigious Navy for the biggest Peoples Republic in the Balkans.

Aiming to re-establish the Yugoslav Navy in a proper fashion and doing so cost effectively, Marshal Tito has opened communications with Moscow about the possible acquisition of "hand-me-down" Vessels which are especially relevant as the U.S.S.R already possesses the largest European Navy while its quickly replacing Vessels with newer types. Those Ships being replaced could perhaps be cheaply acquired in order to achieve the goals of parity for the Navy which consists of a fleet larger than Slovenia and large enough to provide minimum security against a resurgent Italy. The issue of training and of existing spares was considered, and the resulting decision was that all ships of the Fleet would be scrapped after acquiring such vessels from the U.S.S.R. Training would then ideally be provided with Soviet assistance.

Total Ships sought by Yugoslavia (older types in general that are set to be replaced in the U.S.S.R within the next 5 years) :

- 1x Kirov-class cruiser (Intended as Flagship)
- 3x Leningrad-class destroyer (Intended for Escorts to the Kirov-class cruiser)
- 8x Uragan-class guard ship (Intended for Adriatic Service)
- 32x G-5-class motor torpedo boat (Intended for Patrol and shoreline defense & 4x for Danube River Patrols)

The acquisition of these ships would once again restore the Naval prestige of Yugoslavia, which since the end of the last conflict has been left with the "naval dregs" of the axis consisting mainly of half-working vessels and sub-par equipment. It would further push it forward as a minor player in the Mediterranean rather than a non existent one.

Post self-deleted by Alzarikstan.

ဂဠုန်နှင့်ဗညာ: ပထမအကြိမ် ရခိုင်စစ်ရေးလှုပ်ရှားမှု—ခြောက်သွေ့ရာသီ ထိုးစစ် • THE GALON AND THE BYALA: THE FIRST ARAKAN CAMPAIGN—DRY SEASON OFFENSIVES

| Full Moon of Tazaungmon 1311—14th Waning of Kason 1312 ME | Arakan State, Royal Federation of the Burma Union |

Nearing the rainy season's end, more than 8,000 personnel activated by the 77th Royal Army Division out of Yangon Regional Military Command had now been fully mobilized as early as late Tagu, though had waited out the wet months on base in Yangon. With attached artillery and armored battalions comprising four Daimler Mk.II Armoured Cars, several Ordnance QF 25-lb field guns, and their accompanying infantry, the combined unit organizational make-up of the Royal Army would be directly put to test. Until this point, success has mainly come through the use of specialized, independent battalions largely organized, trained, and honed under British command, both before and throughout the Second World War. Contrarily, the roles of the Tatmadaw in the campaigns thus far are more as a blanket, occupation force to cover swathes of land in minimal time due in large part to the high mobility structure of it's light infantry units.

Around 15 November, these mixed-unit battalions of the 77th Infantry Division make their way northwest, via the Yangon-Pathein Road, connecting the Administrative Capital with the Rakhine State border and beyond, shuttling infantry aboard several examples of the M7 'Kangaroo' and the Lloyd Universal Carrier. Chugging in tow, Albion CX22S artillery tractors pull field guns along with the convoy, the artillery crew occupying the bench seating within the bed section. After five hours, the Royal Army column belonging to the 77th Division reached the outskirts of Gwa Township, building several Ordnance QF 25-lb howitzers into a lightly entrenched firing position within a 7-mile operational range of the principal town. Royal infantry proceed towards Gwa on foot, the stretch of land between a densely vegetated area proving improper for motorized units. Less than 3 miles outside of town, rising out into a lush grass field from a dense coconut palm treeline, the subordinate infantry battalions of the 77th Division are surprise engaged by Rakhine forces on a patch of what appeared as serene farmland with cattle grazing leisurely, and are subsequently dealt their first casualties while undertaking heavy fire, both from a few cloistered huts and the opposing treeline. Bodies of the wounded are hastily dragged back through the trees, falling back within to limit exposure to enemy suppression as bullets pop and crack against palm trunks. Utilizing a Wireless Set No. 18 portable HF radio, a Royal Army signals unit at the command of a direct field superior, transmitted their coordinates to the artillery positions and continued their strategic withdrawal out of firing range.

Before long, the first 88x292mmR HE shells began plummeting from the sky, with the distant sound of the ignition blasts heard only moments before shell impact. In no time at all, the expanse of farmland and the surrounding treeline were absolutely flattened by the artillery bombardment, seeing no relent for almost 18 minutes. When elements of the Royal Army advanced once more, the farmland was reduced to a field of craters and large portions of coconut palm treeline were reduced to stumps. In between the extensive environmental damage, charred remains dot the site, with 77th Division personnel officially reporting 39 purported seperatists and several steer carcasses among those killed. The success of the barrage leaves the town in a vulnerable state, the seperatist garrison in full retreat after being decimated by well-coordinated Royal artillery, most injured or in shock. Devoid of helmets or any real ballistic protection whatsoever, surviving rebels clenched bloodied ears, drums blown from primary blast waves, others suffering severe concussion or blast lung, with more than a hundred seperatists in need of medical attention and rendering most unfit for combat upon return from the outskirts of town. Itself merely a large quaint village nestled amongst dense overgrowth of coconut palm, Gwa bore little in the line of natural defenses, stockades, or even adequate firing positions, backed against the sea. Much like in 1785, during the Burmese conquest of Mrauk-U, it was among those first to fall, providing base for King Bodawpaya's armies to secure the remainder of southern Arakan.

Once the Rakhine defenders made their return, the local civil populace began to deliver medical aid in any way possible. Though, with what little first aid supplies available, find themselves wholely unprepared for the scale of those in need of critical treatment. As the Royal Army begins it's advance once more, this time the infantry are led by two Daimler MkII Armored Cars able to maneuver through the clearings created by the artillery fire. As the Tatmadaw encroached less than a mile from Gwa, the seperatists urged women and children to seek shelter in the town monastery, while able townsmen are desperately conscripted to the defence, many unwillingly, with very few provided weaponry. When within range, the two Daimler MkII light armored cars stopped just outside of town and began to provide suppressing coaxial 7.92mm Besa MMG fire against seperatist lines opening up return fire from within the palm-shrouded town, all while the light infantry units continue advancing onwards onto the town village, equipped largely with a variety of the Lee-Enfield SMLE MkIII, M1 Carbine, Sten Mk V, and the M1919A6 Browning .30 cal. In the cluster of overlapping fire, unarmed enemy combatants forced to frontal positions bore the brunt of the Royal Army's offensive fire, as the Daimler cars spent a quarter of a thousand rounds before requiring reload and barrel cooldown. During this interval, the Army infantry spring into action, advancing with their own cluster of fire to suppress enemy positions. As the soldiers rush toward Gwa, a nearby hut is exploded by a 40mm HE shell from one of the Daimler light cars, egging the second to follow suit upon another position, leveling a traditional palm longhouse further in town.

Throughout the course of this time, much of the day had passed and daylight began waning thin during the course of the Tatmadaw advance. Royal soldiers put illumination flares to the dimming sky as the evening eventually fell dark, lighting up Rakhine seperatists and forces alike, many lost in the confusion of the dark, unknowingly mere feet away from one another until a flare could brighten up the night sky, and slowly transfer luminescence across the frantic battleground below. Unable to accurately fire without possibly hitting friendly forces, the Daimler Armored Cars pull back from Gwa, and after hours of combat in the pitch dark of night, tirelessly fighting in-between flare rotations, 77th personnel have become exhausted and disoriented. Just after 15:00 hours, a red flare lit up the sky above Gwa, relieving the troops there from their positions by signaling a Tatmadaw withdrawal from the area to wait out the remainder of the night and press for another assault at first light. At dawn, 16 November, a force of fresh troops were readied to relieve those that endured the initial assault, beginning their few-miles march back to Gwa. As they arrive, natural light reveals the true scale of atrocity dealt during the night skirmish, the main clearing used for the initial assault on Gwa resembled a mass grave, littered with bodies, many uniformed, though most not. The fresh Royal infantry units marching in are brutalized and benumbed at the sight of their slaughtered comrades, and belaying command even, they are out for blood. Storming through to the town, these elements of the 77th Division, roughly at a strength of 2,500, comprise a single infantry battalion and three light infantry battalions, this time, however, supported by all four Daimler Mk II Armored Cars attached to the subordinate infantry units. Each light infantry battalion closes in from separate flanks, assaulting the town from three points while the main, larger infantry battalion closes the kettle from the beach, effectively encircling the town. From Gwa's very own white-sand beachheads, Royal infantrymen utilize Lee-Enfield No.1 Mk III grenade discharger rifles as short-range mortars, indiscriminately launching Mills Bomb-type explosives into seperatist positions from a little over 100yds, proving to be surprisingly quite effective a method to clear out stubborn enemy pockets without facing direct engagement. While the rebels begin to feel the pressure of their encirclement, fire overlaps from all sides, fragmentation grenades land from the air, and the four Daimler armored car's 40mm shells tear through the town, though being sure to carefully avoid the Monastery, knowing this to be a grave sin to attack a holy pagoda.

Less than three hours later, around 07:49, hundreds of local Rakhine men taken as conscripts by the seperatists began to surrender across town, simply longing return to the families they were torn away from by seperatist radicals they so-call their countrymen. These men, all locals of Gwa, are taken as prisoners of war, temporarily interned at the Monastery. Contrarily, the seperatists, refusing to lay down their arms, are summarily rooted to the last man. By the afternoon, the final pockets of resistance had been snuffed out in a tenacious Army mop-up onslaught, ending in the last remaining seperatists lined and put to the firing squad along the beachhead, backs against the crashing waves. Following the martial executions, the tattered red-white Byala Standard, representing Rakhine seperatism, was officially lowered, folded, sent back to the 77th LID's forward camp to the highest-ranking field officer, Bo Saw Tun, and raised the Union Banner in it's place.

Throughout the next five months that consist the remaining dry season, similar coordinated offensives were launched by combined units from both the 11th and 88th Light Infantry Divisions, stationed in Ann and Toungup, respectively, against Ranbye Kyun, better known as Ramree. The Royal Army campaigns on the island reaped similar devastations against the local environment and population, with the seperatists making their desperate last stand at Kyaukpyu, situated on the northern tip of Ramree. Unlike the situation in Gwa, however, extrajudicial executions by the Royal Army on Ramree were not organized, but rather took place sporadically, most of these being isolated instances, and largely under varying circumstances. Royal Army personnel would later reported death counts, eventually published into public record. "Almost 2,000 killed in armed confrontations across Arakan State!", newspaper headlines read across the Union after scraping together bits of different field reports to cite. Though combat photographs from the front were not released to the public, they are, however, carefully reviewed by Thathanabaing, U Nārada, appointed in 1948 after the position was reinstated by His Excellency, Agzawthawda Min. Sharing his findings with the Sangha, or "order of monks", it was deemed a collective obligation to implore peace in Arakan State and, most importantly, peace among Buddhists on behalf of the Union's community of ecclesiasticals. Several members of the Sangha, in support behind their Thathanapaing, beseech the Throne to intervene politically and broker peace, with the Crown and the Faith intertwined as twin pillars of the nation. Born 1868, the 82-year old Mingun Jetavana Sayādaw U Nārada prepares his student, Mahasi Sayadaw, for the responsibilities of chief abbotship, for in his teacher's waning years are the opportunities to reap peace and sow tranquility for the future generation.


        Bundesrepublik Deutschland



    | With Germany further solidifying its slow but steady integration into Western Europe and her fellow regional partners, Chancellor Konrad Adenauer would hail the treaty talks over the establishment of the imminent European Coal and Steal Community (ECSC), calling it 'another symbol of the path towards progress, growth, prosperity and unity that Europe is seeking today to rebuild itself and create a society that stands for all of us, together, arm in arm'. As talks with other like-minded European nations continue, Adenauer's government had been moving on domestically with regards to passing legislation through the Bundestag to boost economic output and continue programmes and initiatives to ensure continued growth and recovery. A close emphasis was placed on stronger ties with the United States, who would be a key provider of monetary and physical aid to Germany in its effort to rebuild and continue growing. By January 1951, the economic report received by the Chancellor would show that with the restarting of key industries, this had been achieved to some effect. With domestic matters calming down considerably, aside from a certain covert intelligence issue with a former Volkist official by the name of Reinhard Gehlen, Adenauer turned his eyes to outside of Germany.

    The world at large was rapidly fortifying itself, politically and socially. The rise of NATO and COMECON further solidified the West-East divisions, and the Bundesrepublik would be clear on its strong anti-communist stance. Generally, Bonn pursued a vague policy of opposing communism and working closely with key partners and allies to achieve this goal, however in practice it would not be pursued all the way considering the fragile state of West Germany's present existence. However, as the communist forces to the East would continue to solidify themselves, as was the West, Adenauer would decide to make a firm decision - choosing to stand with the West, who had so far provided the aid necessary to continue along the path of Germany's economic revival.

    Seeking to secure the votes necessary to ratify the Treaty of Paris, currently in the process of final negotiations, for the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community, Adenauer and his governing coalition, the CDU/CSU-FDP-KON coalition, would seek to gather sufficient votes to ratify the treaty once it would be formally signed. Generally, legislative support for European integration of Germany would be fairly high especially among members of the center-right coalition. The only firm opposition to integration would be the further left elements of the Social Democrats (SDP) of the elder statesman and social democrat Kurt Schumacher, who himself would be fairly supportive of European integration, having warmed up to the idea of close ties with the West - a potential sign of the restructuring his party was fighting to undergo.

    In his effort to secure the votes for 'general European integration and the pursuing of closer ties with partner nations', Adenauer laid down in a Bundestag speech on 2 February 1951 his foreign policy plans for the Bundesrepublik:

      "In this divided world, it is perhaps now necessary - vital - to our existence that we stand together with like-minded nation to achieve common aims and goals. To fix problems and issues facing the world at large, and to fight to make the world a better place. Threats exist, and major ones at that. However, I stand here today pledging solemnly to support all like-minded efforts to solve these issues and quell these threats, for a world in which we are able to say - "Peace has been achieved.".  The centuries of disagreement, disapproval, factionalism and division must end. Together with other European and like-minded nations for liberty and democracy, we will fight firmly for these ideals at home and abroad, while at the same time strengthening our diplomatic prowess to develop the German export economy that Minister [Ludwig] Erhard himself has drafted out so meticulously. Today, gentlemen, marks the start of a new period in the history of Germany, and indeed the rest of Europe. I ask that we stand with freedom, with the ideals this Republic was so founded on, so that the future generations may live a free, prosperous and independent life, in which they are able to avail of the opportunities of a friendly and kindhearted society. It is our duty today to prepare that society to the best of our abilities for them."


16th of February, 1951

| The Conference was set to last four days, instead it prolonged for six days. However, it had brought forth a historic decision for Africa, Zaire and France. The conference started on the 10th of February, in the capital of Zaire in which attendance were prominent members of the the French and Zairean governments. The two delegations were discussing the 1940 New Africa Proposal, of which both Zaire and the French Colonies would be affected. Many commentators stated that the discussions will not bring much results in regards to the proposals. But, the results are proven otherwise.

As in midday hours of local time, Mrs Gloria Banza accompanied by the French Prime Minister stepped out onto the podium to speak to the international press gathered. It had been announced by both parties that the February Conference has ended in upmost success and that the FEBRUARY AGREEMENT has been created and will go into effect with immediate action.


    - The French Republic and the United People of Zaire agree upon the changes to borders within the February Agreement arrangement.

    - The border changes will seek the following provinces of the French Gabon and the French Congo be moved to Zaire;

      French Gabon: Nygana, Ogooue-Martime, Ngounie, Oogue Lolo, Haut Oguue, Plateaux.

      French Congo: Brazzaville, Pool, Bouneza, Niari, Lekoumu, Kouilou.

    - The Zairean Provinces of - Equateur, Mai Ndombe, Tshuapa, Sankuru, Tshopo, Mongala, Sud Ubangi, Nord Ubangi, Bas Uele, Haut Uele,
    Ituri - will form a new independent nation north of Zaire, south of the French Central African Colonies.

    - TThe Zairean and French governments commit to protecting the sovereignty and stability of the newly created nation within Africa, to protecting peace and prosperity within Africa.

    - The French and Zairean governments agree to respect the new borders that have been formed by the two states for the decades to come.

    - The French and Zairean governments agree to expand their trade with each other and create larger trading infrastructure between the two states.

    - ( Both France and Zaire recongise the following map as the new borders of Zaire and the French Colonies. )

One the map was shown, the room went into silence before the sound of flashes and questions firing away in the room. A historic decision was made, upon which the people of Zaire have now untied fully. The French have shown that their true care for African prosperity and forward thinking is true to its core as France seeks to repent for the sins committed before upon Africa. A truly beautiful symbol of the past teaching the present and the present creating the future. Mrs Gloria Banza, responded to a question from one of the reporters who asked her about whether or not she is collaborating with a colonial power . Her response was quick.

    [ GLORIA BANZA, First Representative of Zaire ]: "We are not a colonial government that collaborates with its overlord. We are equals through and through, and I think that this conference has shown that. More than that. This conference , this historic decision has shown that France is repenting for its mistakes in the past, mistakes upon they have learned and and now are doing something about it. Their incredible and vast investments into Africa and its people is truly remarkable . Their willigness to sit with an equal African partner is a symbol of change, upon which we build the new Africa. The French government has came through, and they have shown that they are truly an ally of Africa , a friend of Africa. Zairean new borders mean that we are bound to a greater economic rise, and to truly fulfill the potential that Banzaism brings upon its people. I am excited to welcome new Zaireans to their new home, and bring them to a true African prosperity."


February 21st 1951

State Atheism, established at the same time as the establishment of the Yugoslav Peoples Republic had long stalled on introducing many restrictions to enforce if in an official capacity. Finally however in a move to cement the status of Religion over 200 remaining Churches and Mosques will be shut down along with a total ban on all forms of religious sacrifice on Animals. This decision will certainly see an uptick in the consumption of Fish and other seafood for the religiously minded Bosniaks as it can be consumed without any religious ritual. While overall Jews and Muslims are most affected there are also numerous smaller denominations of Christians who would have to halt their religious undertakings regarding sacrifices. Former religious Buildings shall be used for various Government purposes from storage to being converted into Barracks, their internal assets being absorbed into the pool of Government resources.

Vast fines and prison time have been introduced to punish those that go against the National decision, though prayer in the privacy of ones own Home remains perfectly legal. Associated changes to the Constitution also had to be made, as the initial publications after the war included statements that Religion and State were separate, though now no mention of it takes place at all. To ensure equality enforcement had to be conducted regardless of faith or political power, and as a result special memorandums accompanied the change in law stating that any Individual found to be breaching these laws regardless of their position on the State Ladder of Leadership would face the same punishment as those at the bottom.




| With the signature of the Treaty of Paris by the Italian delegation in the footsteps of France and Germany, a new step has been taken on the path of rebuilding trust and normalizing relations. It would be the second time that Italian diplomats would visit Paris in four years — The first time had been in 1947, when the peace treaty between Italy and the Allies had been signed in the same city, without solving the thorny Istrian Question. It would also be a step toward economic integration with Europe, after military integration with the Western Allies was enshrined in '49 with the Italian membership in NATO, sanctioned at home by the overwhelming centrist victory a year before. Today, Communist opposition to the European Coal and Steel Community was less ardent, but fierce nonetheless, and Prime Minister Alcide De Gasperi carried on with his agenda of peaceful economic integration and rebuilding Italy's authority and trust with its neighbors. Such has been deemed vital to the Kingdom's future, in spite of the lingering diplomatic issue with its Alpine neighbor. |

| Economically, the free-trade area to be implemented for steel and coal is expected to deliver a boost to the renascent steel industry, as well as facilitate Italian exports, in continuation with the government's aim of rebuilding the country as an industrial nation. The ratification of the Treaty is expected to be fastidious in Parliament, owing to recent squabbles within the DC's center-right coalition. Dissent will be more about form than function, however, as the Treaty does not involve Slovenia and therefore will most likely gather a majority of votes after the usual horse-trading between parties. |

    Two important events — NATO membership and the new Italian constitution — have been omitted from RP respectively in 1949 and 1948 due to a lack of time on my end. The Constitution, which is a modernized version of the original one retaining the Monarchy in a strictly constitutional and parliamentary context, will be developed on later.

    Also of note is the Peace Treaty, which I mentioned in 1947 without further elaboration. Note that Italy has not surrendered its claims to Istria in this timeline.


February 25th 1951

As a ploy to undermine the legitimacy of the Slovene State, under the direction of Marshal Tito roughly the (Yugoslav) Nations Slovene Communist Population which either refused or chose not to return to Slovenia after the war have been included in a self-declared Exile-Government in the form of the "Slovene Peoples Government" based in the Croatian town of Kutina. This Exile Government has denounced all of the actions taken by Slovenia after the breaking away from Yugoslavia, and due to being made up of almost hand-picked pro Yugoslav Slovenes denounces the persistence of Slovenia in refusing to rejoin with Yugoslavia. They claim that the National Government within Slovenia was long ago corrupted by western influences which to this day suppress the true feelings and wishes of the Slovenian Peoples.

Possessing their own flag and singing the Slovenian version of the Yugoslav Anthem for Marshal Tito internally it has worked quite well to convince many of the other peoples within the Republic that they are indeed the legitimate exile Government, though naturally there exists no foreign recognition for them as of yet. There have been secretive discussions about perhaps a miniscule corridor between Slovenia and the Croatian Regional Government that could accommodate the estimated 30,000 Slovenes within Yugoslavia as part of an internally constructed Slovene Peoples Republic. This suggestion would at least give further reason for many within Yugoslavia to support the Governments position that they are indeed the legitimate Slovene Power.

Led by the Slovene Peoples Council they have no central figure at present time although there is a fierce search underway in order to find a possible figurehead for the movement and thus a stable and rallying presence. For the moment at least Marshal Tito has ordered the erection of Slovene Peoples Republic Flags across all crossing points of the border, with the statement "True Slovenia lives on!"



Government and military officials of the Republic of Slovenia shared the habit of using ogrožena (“under threat, endangered”) in reference to the young Slovene nation. Slovenes were an ogroženo ljudstvo (“endangered people”), Slovene an ogrožen jezik (“endangered language”), and Slovenia an ogrožena republika (“endangered republic”)—indeed, socialist Yugoslavia was a proverbial sword of Damocles, haunting political discourse in Slovenia and almost single-handedly responsible for the elevated importance placed on military development, straining the national budget in a Republic desperately trying to advance its civilian life. The Slovene Armed Forces were becoming almost disproportionate to the five-million-strong Slovene population, lacking nothing but state-of-the-art tanks and assault rifles; still, even those were in the sights of its procurement officers. But in the face of Marshal Josip Broz Tito, it was never enough. The Soviet Union was eternally keen to furnish the Yugoslavs with ships and embolden their attacks on religious life. Now, a Soviet naval base disfigured the pristine Adriatic coast. Indeed, each time Yugoslavia enacted some aggressive new policy in the erosion of Slavic individuality, independence or faith, the word ogrožena appeared anew in Slovene political life, and the military was set forth on some new program of improvement. Slovenia and Yugoslavia had embarked on a veritable arms race.

In one field especially, the Slovene defense staff imagined that the Republic could develop a particularly dramatic lead: indeed, Slovenia altogether had a heritage in radio technologies. The Slovene Albin Belar had invented the pocket radio, and Iskra—Slovenia’s leading technology firm—had its origin in manufacturing radio receivers for years. Its founder, Dr. Mirjan Gruden, was now a full-time electronics professor at the University of Ljubljana, and dozens of his students had already entered work in Iskra’s design department; Iskra was a lively company, and the Slovenian Armed Forces tapped it in February 1950. Ahead of the inauguration of the Domžale radio transmitter—which would become the seat of Radiotelevizija Slovenija—Iskra was commissioned to endeavor to build autochthonic phased array radars for a new line monitoring stations at several strategic points: one on a hilltop south of Ljubošina, one protruding from a forest east of Dolž, one uphill from Rogatec, and one on an elevated riverbank at Ormož, all stringing the Yugoslav border. Strategic radio receivers at these points would be installed to complement the stations’ abilities to intercept military intelligence; altogether, the four stations—colloquially known as Grudnova linija (“Gruden’s line”)—would largely cover the eastern border, enabling Slovenia to monitor the radio transmissions and movements of the Yugoslav air force and their new Soviet “aid”. Surveying of the sites began in earnest that March, with optimistic completion dates by the year’s end. The project was never officially revealed to the public, and Iskra employees were held under strict secrecy.

    “. . . so-called Yugoslavs . . . are gathered at our borders and conspire with the nations around us to destroy Slovenia. The powerful nations of Europe, the peers and protégés of Slovenia, must defend and provide for safety on the European continent; this means defending Slovenia and her territorial integrity.”
    Borut Blatnik, assemblyman of the Slovene National Party, 1951 (Greater Kurdistane)

As ever, debates on military spending rocked the National Assembly. Each glistening Firewasp fighter or rugged Osliček utility truck was commissioned and manned with taxpayer money, even with the good-faith discounts of Čebela and Pionir. Prison labor as a means of cost-cutting was accepted by the conservative Slovene People’s Party, but Iztok Jamnik’s Levica—many of whose supporters had become prisoners during the Kopinič trials—were fain to publicly lambast it. “Can we not join Yugoslavia, Spain and the Soviet Union in the spirit of international friendship?” pleaded chairman Iztok Jamnik in one National Assembly; though the notion of friendship had seemingly been crushed by the Yugoslav formation of a Slovene pretender government in February, not all ears were deaf to this. Several Slovene companies were flourishing atop the nation’s industrial legacy, but for each that launched, three or more foundered. Many in the Assembly felt strongly that military spending would fail to maximize growth in such a productive era. Prime Minister Andrej Gosar, however, rebuked these claims, rightly observing that integrated trade with continental Europe, a sturdy, centuries-long heritage of manufacturing and a robust arms manufacturing complex meant that security and economics could go hand in hand while also keeping a watchful eye on Yugoslavia. This opinion—bolstered by the hanging shadow of the Yugoslav socialists—gained the most ground, and legislation continued to be made permitting the military to continue its expansion almost unhindered.

Expand it would. In 1951, the Ladjedelnica Kraljevica (“Kraljevica shipyards”)—the oldest on the Adriatic, founded in the 1720s—were set to work on the newest muscle of the Slovene Navy. Between 1951 and 1954, they were to construct a demanding series of twelve Kraljevica-class patrol boats: 41-meter, six-gunned crafts meant to weld the Slovene coast tight against incursions by sea. Iskra would complete Gruden’s line shy of the planned timetable, and despite the time, money and math expended in the process, its directors seemed sure that they could deliver new phased array systems to Ljubljana, Maribor, Gradec, Celovec, and even, as a promotional measure and “precaution”, to Trst, in short order. The funds were eventually directed elsewhere, though, with the high command evidently satisfied by the eastern radio installations and not desiring to spend further money provoking Italy. Slovenia’s attention rested solely on what radical parliamentarian Borut Blatnik had called ‘genocidal Marxist Serbian fascists’—socialist Yugoslavia. Measures such as their recent enforcement of state atheism continued prodding Slovene military projects along. Munitions and small arms manufacturer Zlatorog had produced two unsuccessful attempts at a domestic battle rifle in 1949, but a new select-fire rifle constructed by celebrated Beljak designer and gunsmith Truden Glavač was looking ‘increasingly promising’ in the eyes of Slovenia’s military procurement office. Still, Slovenia could not do everything at home. A tank deal was allegedly at work at the Greek embassy, and the bulk of the Slovene air force would undoubtedly be American for the immediate years to come. Still, with ancient gunsmiths in the Alps, generational industrialists in its heart and some of Europe’s oldest and largest shipyards filling Trst and lining its coast, Slovenia was content to pour everything into its unconditional defense.

      The Kingdom of Greece, Greek Ascension Into NATO : Greek Communist Party Left Feeling Betrayed!, January 1951
      Το Βασίλειο της Ελλάδος, Ένταξη της Ελλάδος στο ΝΑΤΟ : Η Αριστερά του Ελληνικού Κομμουνιστικού Κόμματος προδόθηκε!, Ιανουάριος 1951

        Adriatican Islands - The Greek Armed Forces and The Greek Government! - Οι Ελληνικές Ένοπλες Δυνάμεις και η Ελληνική Κυβέρνηση !


    | On a cold winter morning on the 30th of December, 1950, an official telegram was received by both His Majesty Pavlos I and Greek Prime Minister Konstantinos Tsaldaris. An official invitation, for the Kingdom of Greece, to join the newly formed North Atlantic Treaty Organization - NATO. The telegram was passed onto the Greek parliament, where an official meeting was held, to decide the fate of Greece. While NATO would bring Greece a large number of arms, and lasting protection, it would also upset Greece’s northern neighbors, which whom Greece had worked so hard to establish relations. At this point, the People’s Party was sick of Tsaldaris’ incompetence, and the betrayal of Greek and Party principles deeply urged Tsaldaris to sign. Faced with pressure from the party, along with the people, the document was signed on the 3rd of January, 1951, followed by the King’s signature shortly after. |

    | As the King put down his pen, Greece gave out the official telegram to NATO. Greece had joined the alliance. Greece's membership in NATO was a security guarantee, putting up a strong, viable manageable, and international defense against any outside threats against the Kingdom of Greece. Greek security at this point was a must, with the 1,300 km long border with Communist Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, and now with support from NATO, this northern frontier is protected. Greece’s new allies meant that Greece’s international position was cemented, a Pro-Western nation, a nation whose allies could defend Greece united, and continue good will with nations in the alliance. |

      ” We are equally convinced that the organization of a truly efficient system of collective security constitutes the best means of persevering peace and ensuring justice and liberty in fulfillment of the most ardent aspirations of the Greek Nation.”

        - Greek Politician, Sophocles Venizelos

    | Back on the streets of Greece, the joining of the alliance was met with a rather positive reaction from most of the population. However, when the news hit the communists in Nea Ionia, it was met with dismay. The man the Communist Party of Greece could trust, Prime Minister Tsaldaris himself, had essentially betrayed the trust that the two parties shared. The long relationship of support from Tsaldaris himself to clear the names of the Communist Party during the Xenon Incident in September 1949, severed. |



Six years after Slovenia declared itself alive on Jurjevo—St. George’s Day—the optimism of the new Republic had been somewhat blunted on the stony walls of its neighbors. In truth, the only thing that political analysts felt had spared Slovenia of outright invasion were the three permanent American and British military installations in the country at Reka, Maribor and Gradec. Even these ‘permanent’ bases were fleeting, however: their leases were expected to expire in 1955 pending negotiations, leaving the Slovene Republic stranded between the indignant Kingdom of Italy and the bellicose socialist Yugoslav dictatorship. On every side, Slovenia was treacherously surrounded by nations from which it had demanded concessions after the Second World War. A nation of five million had been born from lands once belonging to Austria, Hungary, Italy and Yugoslavia. The Slovene government found their indignance to this matter insulting, feeling that the concessions were well in line with those given after criminal wars. President Tomšič herself scornfully declared at a Jurjevo independence speech that “those who tried to wipe us and others from this earth can say nothing of our fates after their defeat”; “Italy,” she specified, “who violently failed to establish themselves as the dominant race in southern Europe, now presumes to tell us that we cannot live in our native cities—we in Slovenia find that to be a hypocrisy, crime and insult of the greatest order. They never met us in battle—only callously violating slaying civilians in Trst and elsewhere—but they who did, the Serb nationalists who cower under the name ‘Yugoslav’, deserve even less in defining what Slovenia is and should be. In truth, I have begun to see the correctness in Dr. Šanda’s claim: our lost Kajkavian brethren—Slovenes all—lie right across the border from us, crying for freedom.”

Relations with Yugoslavia (Ranponian) were indeed icy. The term ‘Kajkavian’—a linguistic marker for a group of northern Croats who speak a language entirely intelligible with Prekmurje Slovene—was introduced to the wider public by a recent inflammatory text by nationalist author Dragan Šanda which claimed that some one million people speaking this variety in Yugoslavia were, in truth, Slovenes that had been misnamed for political interests. His argument had great merit, admittedly; pioneering nineteenth-century philologists Franc Miklošič and Jernej Kopitar had felt identically when the ethnology of the Balkans was being first investigated under rigorous scholarship. One major Kajkavian city, Varaždin, had been incorporated into the new Republic in 1945 and had seen no unrest. People formerly called ‘Croats’ now lived as Slovenes, their language, custom and religion entirely unchanged—only reclassified to lie at the Prekmurje end of Slovene’s dialect spectrum. Misnamed Croats were now Slovenes. Though only popular among the ultraconservative community at first, Šanda’s arguments quickly spread as such policies as state atheism descended on the Kajkavians; by April, talk of the izgubljeni milijon (“lost million”) permeated Slovenian politics: a million ‘Croats’, truly Slovenians, awaited liberation in Yugoslavia. Zagreb was, in truth, a Slovene city. Increasingly, the ‘lost million’ infiltrated Slovenia’s national consciousness, becoming one of many quarrels with Yugoslavia aggravated by a growing arms race and endless ideological differences.

    “In v resnici je poleg ljubezni, ki je nedvomno prva, plemeniti upor proti krivični stvarnosti največ, kar lahko prispevamo za rešitev človeškega dostojanstva.”
    “And in fact, aside from love—which is undoubtedly the foremost—a noble rebellion against an unjust reality is the best that we can contribute to the salvation of human dignity.”
    Boris Pahor, Trst native and author on Italianization in a novel draft

Relations with Italy (Arcanda) were only scarcely better. Their refusal to recognize Slovenian jurisdiction over Istria and other lost Italian lands was a bitter sticking point, easily lambasted as a ‘miserable artifact of fascism’ by virtually every aspect of the Slovene political spectrum. To the Slovenes, memories of graphic murders committed by Italian fascists against ethnic Slovenes, the burning of Slovene schools and the closure of Slovene societies were close at hand. To relinquish Trst (Italian Trieste), Videm (Italian Udine), Tržič (Italian Monfalcone) and elsewhere would be to voluntarily give in to a people who had seemingly taken joy in oppressing and recreationally killing persons of the Slovene minority in Italy for decades. Former President Boris Furlan, a native of Trst, made a habit of calling the Italian government a ‘den of sadists’ at every opportunity, and the unconditional liberation of Slovene-inhabited areas had been one of his terms in collaborating with the western Allies. Incumbent President Vida Tomšič was at least marginally kinder—at least occasionally expressing wishes to work as equals with Italy—but diplomacy between the two countries seemed to have altogether stalled pending Italian recognition of Slovene jurisdiction or the Slovene abandonment of its western and southern lands. Neither seemed immediately likely. The debacle was continually stalling Slovenia’s accession to NATO, which it refused to do until Italy recognized its authority.

In spite of the tense border relationships, progress had undoubtedly been made in Slovene diplomacy over the last few years. International warmth lay between Slovenia and several partnered allies, including Greece (Adriatican Islands), with whom military and financial partnerships have created a robust friendship; France (Metropolitan Francais), whose Vincent Auriol visited just over four years ago; Zaire (Paseo), a distant nation which unexpectedly showed compassion during the Slovene Rising and has displayed goodwill since; and Ethiopia (Alzarikstan), which has pursued several business deals with Slovenia, though its relationship may be quickly jeopardized by its dealings with the Eastern world. Though somewhat detached, the United States and United Kingdom have shown themselves to be proven benefactors, having been the first to secure Slovene independence and furnish the Republic with weapons. Regardless, the Slovene Foreign Ministry and its calculated Minister Leonid Pitamic saw opportunities everywhere; in West Germany (New Provenance) the Slovenes saw a European ally with great potential; in Azania (Nonador), they imagined a stalwart friend in Africa which was also endeavoring to throw off decades of cultural erasure; and in the rising Asian states of Burma (Ubertica), the Philippines (Provenancia) and Japan (Nippon-Nihon), all recovering from the wreckage of war and colonization, Pitamic viewed future industrial partners. There was much work to be done, indeed—but the Slovenes were willing to do it.

Chamber of Deputies

304 Deputies


Nereu Ramos (PSD)

Getúlio Vargas (PTB)

Getúlio Vargas (PTB)

Nereu Ramos (PSD)

Prado Kelly (UDN)

Adhemar de Barros (PSP)







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Chamber of Deputies (Câmara dos Deputados)

         ١٩٤٧ - ١٩٤٦ | ١٤٤٤ - ١٣٦٦

        AFGHANISTAN ☪ Dǝ Afġānistān Šahi Dawlat

The experience of the recent tribal revolts had been eye-opening toward the weaknesses and deficiencies of Kabul's ability to maintain control over Afghanistan. The war against the tribes significantly reinforced the need for a strong centralized government. The instrument which would build said centralized government was the military. Despite the military successfully putting down the revolt of 44 and other previous ones from the 30s, the military still required further modernization efforts. The standard equipment of the infantry was old, the army's logistical ability was severely lacking, the officer core required revamping, and most importantly, a modern air force. The need for a modern state and army had been especially pushed to the forefront of national dialogue when in August 1947, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan was born. The reaction of Afghanistan was adverse for two main reasons; first, the pressing issue of the Durand Line, and second, the Pashtun tribes within Pakistan that were separated by the said border. The Durand Line border was established after the 1893 Durand Line Agreement between Mortimer Durand of colonial British India and Amir Abdur Rahman Khan of Afghanistan to fix the limit of their respective spheres of influence. The single-page agreement, which contained seven short articles, was signed by Durand and Khan, agreeing not to exercise political interference beyond the frontier line between Afghanistan and what was then the British Indian Empire. This split severed Afghanistan from the Pashtun tribes. It manifested when prominent Pashtun nationalists, such as Abdul Ghaffar, advocated for unity with the Dominion of India and not with Afghanistan. This erosion of Pashtun self-identification with Afghanistan resulted in most Pashtuns advocating for joining Pakistan when the time for independence came. When Pakistan became independent, they inherited the border; however, Kabul did not acknowledge this, stating the Durand Line was a British agreement, not a Pakistani one. The Afghan intelligentsia, Wikh Zalmiyan, was especially vocal about the issue; if Afghanistan were ever to ratify the agreement, then an estimated 50 million Pashtuns would forever be divided. Much pressure would be placed on the monarchy to take action. Zahir Shah seeing it as an opportunity to boast his image and support gave a fiery anti-Pakistan speech via national radio condemned by Pakistan's Liaquat Ali Khan. Another unspoken reason for Kabul's pursuit of the Pashtunistan issue is that Pakistan served as the main trade route between Afghanistan and South Asia. This was especially concerning as it made Kabul dependent on Pakistan to keep the border open for trade. Thus, to many, it would be better to see the Afghan flag fly over the shores of the Arabian sea.

Afghan prime minister, Shah Mahmud Khan, would enact a two-fold policy against Pakistan. The first being to destabilize Pakistan's Pashtun majority frontier regions by funding and supporting secessionist movements. This was believed by members of the Afghan Intelligence, or (Istikhbarat), to be an effective method since post-Independence Pakistani politics proved unstable. The Punjabi's of Pakistan held a monopoly on governmental power, alienating non-Punjabi groups such as the Pashtuns. Secondly, to strengthen relations with Pakistan's local rivals, such as India and the CCCP. This foreign policy shift earned some criticism within the government and abroad; many conservatives were against cooperating with the Soviet Union on principle, and political Islamic groups viewed the government's friendliness with Moscow and Delhi as anti-Islamic. Despite all these actions by the prime minister, Mahmud would be put on the firing line by the intelligentsia for a serious incident on September 30th, 1950. Pakistan claimed Afghan troops had crossed into their territory near the Bogra Pass as a low-scale invasion. The Afghan government denied involvement, saying they were pro-Pashtunistan tribesmen. However, under Shah Mahmud Khan, the Ministry of Defense had allowed low-scale operations to prod at the Pakistani border. Kabul had played with the idea of invading Pakistan but was deterred by the risk of facing diplomatic consequences by the international community and the reality that the Afghan Royal Army was not up to par to face the Pakistani Army. Since the end of WW2 and the Tribal Revolts, the army had cut down on its manpower to save costs for the government; at peak, the military neared a 100,000-strong army, but now a mere 60,000 as of 1950. Since 1948, Afghanistan has begun procuring Soviet military equipment to bolster its military. Most being infantry weapons, T-34 and Iosif Stalin tanks, SU-76 self-propelled guns, GAZ-69 4x4 light trucks of jeep class (in many versions), Katyusha rocket launchers, and various small piece artillery. With plans to potentially acquire Soviet aircraft in the future.

    March 1951
    Hohenlohe By-Election

H O H E N L O H E   B Y - E L E C T I O N

    Hohenlohe district is a local governmental
    constituency and district in northern Baden-Wurttemburg, 
    north of Stuttgart. Currently represented by Johann Klauschen,
    of the CDU/CSU.


| Künzelsau — 37 km (23 mi) northeast of Heilbronn — served as the administrative district of Hohenlohe, one of the constituencies represented in the Bundestag. The small district was home to more or less 30,000 people, and was home to a quaint little company called Allgemein ("Universal" in English), that produced shoes, boots and clothing. Beyond that, it was of no significant importance, really, and its citizens lived in quiet and peace. The economic growth of the new Federal Republic had yet to reach them and provide to them its positive effects, but the district had voted in a CDU/CSU representative nonetheless in the 1949 election, by the name of Johann Klauschen — Klauschen had defeated his SPD opponent by a margin of 3.1 percentage points. In late February, the representative was involved in a car accident that killed him and his wife. The district mourned his death, and together with federal election authorities the local government began planning for a by-election to replace him, with the next federal election cycle still over two years away. In the Hohenlohe Chronicle, it reported potential candidates — |

    HOHENLOHE CHRONICLE (FEB 1951) — [...] A by-election to have a new representative succeed the late Herr Klauschen will be called within the next few weeks, and it is expected that several candidates will appear from the previous election in our district. Hans Holler, for one, is likely to stand for the SPD as he did in the last election. Fritz Baade, a local councilman for the CDU/CSU, is expected to run to represent the party Klauschen represented in the Bundestag.

| Holler would announce his bid to stand for election, as would Fritz Baade. However, an Independent candidate would appear — Sophie Scholl. A former resistance leader and a storied hero of the German resistance, Scholl had been rescued by the Blue Flower Movement from execution during the war and had moved to lead the German resistance against the Volkist government in the latter stage of the war. Under her leadership alongside the Tellermanns and her brother, Scholl helped provide humanitarian support when the Blue Flower Movement turned into a humanitarian organization in the postwar occupation period. Scholl had retired to her hometown to rest in 1948. |

| Announcing her candidacy on 3 March with her brother and government agent Armand Tellermann by her said, Scholl would run for her native constituency's seat in the Bundestag as an Independent. Local leaders - comprising a small CDU/CSU majority with the opposition represented by SPD and Independents - dismissed her candidacy as a weak one, and no effort was made on their part to petition the larger party apparatus for support. With control of the government by the CDU/CSU down to less than 30 seats, any seat gained by the opposition could be a serious blow to government agendas, especially with German politics particularly fluid and nonpartisan. Scholl emphasized her history as a storied resistance leader and a youthful nonpartisan member of the community. Holler pitched regulations on the free market and left-leaning ideologies, while Baade attempted to distinguish himself from his party by declaring himself to be a 'nonpartisan centrist'. All three candidates were attempting to court a key group of voters - swing independents, who generally voted independent or for the SPD. |

| On Election Day, all three candidates would head to their polling stations along with the rest of the voting community in the HOHENLOHE BY-ELECTION, which would take place on 24 March — organized swiftly by federal election authorities thanks to the relatively small size of the constituency. Election results would be announced a little over a day later, after the votes would be counted meticulously at the local school in Künzelsau. |


    SCHOLL, SOPHIE (Ind.) - 45.66 % - 12,551 votes (+630)

    Baade, Fritz (CDU/CSU) - 43.37 % - 11,921 votes
    Holler, Hans (SPD) - 10.97 % - 3,015 votes

| By a 630-vote lead, Scholl would be elected to the Bundestag to represent the Hohenlohe constituency for the remaining period of the late Johann Klauschen, at which point she would need to stand for re-election. Becoming the fourth independent in the Bundestag, Scholl would be sworn in by Erich Kohler, the President of the Bundestag, and member of the CDU/CSU, on 31 March 1951. |

    March 1951
    Was the King of the Belgians a traitor ?


    As talks of a Union of Benelux intensifies, Belgium
    is facing a royal crisis of its kind.

BRUSSELS, Bayern Kahla

|While many other monarchs left their respective countries during the German occupation, King Leopold III remained. This decision was heavily criticised. Worse, it became a suject of controversy as the country was liberated. He even met the Fürher in 1944. And, for the most conservative branches of the people, his remarrying was also another layer of scandal.

The conflict between Leopolodists and Anti-Leopolodists is intensifying day by day as the Benelux question raises. Leopolod is facing destiny. He has also been more skeptical of the Union and has shown it in the press.

The instability in Belgium is also worrying the Netherlands and Luxembourg who may believe Belgium to be unreliable for a Union. It also shadows the future talks of the European Community project. The Prime Minister of Belgium made no comments on what he considers to be a "royal matter".|

Federal Senate

22 Senators


Marcondes Filho (PTB)

Otávio Mangabeira (PTB)

Otávio Mangabeira (PTB)

Nereu Ramos (PSD)

Prado Kelly (UDN)

Adhemar de Barros (PSP)







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Supreme Federal Court


José Linhares

Mario Guimarăes

Hahnemann Guimarăes

Edgard Costa

Nélson Hungria

Ribeiro da Costa

Orozimbo Nonato

Rocha Lagoa

Lafayette de Andrada

José Linhares

Luís Gallotti

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      ꕦ ꛲ ꕦ ꚿ
      A Z A N I A
      01 March 1951

    Foreign Affairs

      The years 1949 thru 1951 were noticeably a time of great flux within the international community. By and large, most nations had recovered from the immediate scourge of war, such that once silent nations on the diplomatic scene, have begun to become more vocal again through the formation of new, great, alliances and unions. In Africa, the independent nations of the continent joined together in the formation of a economic, social, and political African Union with the express goal of coordinating development on the continent, and developing common policies to address threats to the independence of Africans and to expedite the decolonization process. In Europe, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, or NATO, was formed by the western nations as a defensive pact in 1949 - with the European Economic Community being formed shortly thereafter in 1950. In East, COMECON was formed that same year, to coordinate efforts among socialist and communist nations around the globe. In Cape Town, Parliamentarians wrestled with the formation of COMECON - especially in the context of other African nations joining that organization - albeit as observers - and the implications of such a move for the hard fought peace in Africa. Policy makers were concerned that the presence of COMECON could invite tensions and instability to the continent through Proxy conflicts with the West, as we see playing out in Korea. So, when a message was received from the East German Foreign Office concerning an invitation to observer status in COMECON, it was initially received with great trepidation, expressed via telegraph. The United Tribes, for all intents and purposes, was Western but Neutral in the developing "Cold War" - and did not want to threaten it's relationships with the West - however, the Zwane Government was at least willing to hear from the East Germans, and to likewise make the position of Azania clear regarding Eastern expansion into the continent.


    For this high profile meeting, the East German Delegation would be received at the Pretoria Metropolitan Airport by members of the Royal Azanian Guards and the Ministry of External Affairs in full view of curious onlookers. It was not the crowd typical of most other state visits, as many could not distinguish the East Germans from those of Volkist Germany, much less, were many comfortable with their presence in Azania for concern of what the West's response would be. Yet, on part of the government, no expense was spared and no ceremony curtailed which would make the delegation feel any less than welcomed. Traditional dancers and singers performed their ceremonial welcome presentations, before the delegates were transported by limosene to the Union Buildings - the heart of the Executive Branch of the United Tribes, where the Prime Minister was waiting in the Gardens for the senior negotiator.

    At the entrance of the Gardens, the Prime Minister would wait for his counterpart, dressed in an all-white Dashiki suit, with gold trim, received as a gift from travels in Kenya. The tall, proud man, would greet them with a smile.

      ENGAMELI ZWANE, Prime Minister-UT; ”Friends! Welcome to Azania”

      | He said leaning in to embrace them warmly with a respectable, and traditional, kiss on either cheek. |

    East Germany DDR

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