The Antarctic political landscape is defined by its broader political values. Antarctic values of cooperation and consensus lend themselves to a generally open-minded, politically moderate temperament among the public. The majority of issues in Antarctic politics from day to day usually revolve around economic issues, with the rest concerning foreign policy. The Antarctic system of market economics in combination with the Free Republic's comprehensive and generous social safety net is considered almost a national institution; the economic debate in Antarctica is more a question of which approach to take in refining the economic system at its margins. Negative campaigning and personal attacks are highly taboo in Antarctic politics, as Antarcticans consider the measure of a politician to be their level of skill in making their own case. The quality Antarcticans value most deeply in their leadership is stability and moderation; they reflexively recoil against positions they consider extreme, such as slashing social benefits or nationalizing businesses. As a result, politicians who run on such positions are never considered a serious choice by Antarctic voters, though they are treated respectfully nevertheless by the public and by other politicians.

‏‏‎ ‎ANC‏‏‎ ‎‎ - The Antarctic National Congress is the oldest and largest of Antarctica's three main political parties. Its stated goals are to balance and enact proposals from both inside and outside the party to create the best overall result for the Antarctic people, with great emphasis on the consistent and stable quality of the party's leadership. Established in 27XX by what would eventually become the founding trio of the Free Republic, it has spent most, though not all, of the two and a half centuries since that time in government. The ANC's moderate and non-ideological politics attract an extremely broad and diverse base of supporters from all walks of life; the party has a very large center wing, a large center-left wing, and a large center-right wing. Although highly skilled Chancellors are able enforce decent party discipline in most situations, the sheer size of the ANC's Council caucus makes it vulnerable to splitting apart in key votes under weaker executives, thus making Antarctic politics significantly more interesting than one might expect from what would appear to be, on the surface, its utter dominance of Antarctic politics. The party's base makes up 50 to 60 percent of the voting public in most elections, and it is consequently rare for it to even lose its majority on the Council, let alone fail to assemble the Secretariat. The ANC is generally strongest in Vostok and Nanji prefectures, but its size means it usually wins pluralities across the whole continent without much trouble. However, the ANC's dominance of Antarctic politics is not absolute. The enormous size of the party's base makes it capable of losing that many more voters, and when it suffers a political cataclysm (such as the Kateel corruption scandal in 30XX), the various opposition parties can take advantage of its divisions to peel away great portions of its base, often sweeping much of the party leadership off the Council in the process. Such leadership vacuums often allow newer and younger politicians (such as current Chancellor Michiko Mayweather) to rise to the helm of party leadership.

‏‏‎ ‎PA‏‏‎ ‎ - The Progressive Alliance is a major Antarctic party that takes its name from progressivism, a common term for the Antarctic political left. Its voter base consists largely of working-class Antarcticans and union leaders, as well as a smattering of academics and activists, all of whom make up about 10 to 20 percent of the voting public in most elections. The party has a large center-left wing and a small left wing, which generally agree on the party's main priorities, those being to create new social programs for disadvantaged Antarcticans, and increase benefits for those who are not getting enough. While usually successful to a certain extent, the PA's programs occasionally result in unnecessary spending and budget deficits; the ANC, however, tends to step in and trim back most of this eventually. The party is strongest along the Antarctic Peninsula and to a lesser extent the rest of Western Antarctica, which tends to be somewhat less wealthy as it was largely settled during the Hakai. While usually rather small in size, the PA is capable of expanding enough to become a viable governing party if it can peel off the center-left wing of the ANC, which it has done a number of times when the latter went through political disasters at various moments in Antarctic history.

‏‏‎ ‎LU‏‏‎ ‎ - The Liberal Union is a major Antarctic party that takes its name from liberalism, a common term for the Antarctic political right. Its voter base consists largely of entrepreneurs, small business owners, and corporate executives, as well as a smattering of academics and socialites, all of whom make up about 10 to 20 percent of the voting public in most elections. The party has a large center-right wing and a small right wing, which generally agree on the party's main priorities, those being to ensure the fiscal health of the Antarctic state by balancing the budget and cutting down on unnecessary social spending. While usually successful to a certain extent, the LU's initiatives occasionally end up cutting holes in the social safety net; the ANC, however, tends to step in and patch up most of this eventually. The party is strongest along the Weddell Coast and to a lesser extent the rest of East Antarctica, which tends to be somewhat more wealthy as it was settled after the founding of the Free Republic. While usually rather small in size, the LU is capable of expanding enough to become a viable governing party if it can peel off the center-right wing of the ANC, which it has done a number of times when the latter went through political disasters at various moments in Antarctic history.

- The Komeito is a minor Antarctic party that is often considered to serve as a watchdog on behalf of Antarctic citizens against the ANC and to a lesser extent the two main opposition parties. Its political ideology is vague, and the party welcomes Antarcticans of all political stripes; much of its base consists of journalists and the very politically engaged, and it also swells up with protest votes when the three major parties are felt to be unappealing, such as in the 30XX election after the Kateel corruption scandal. Its main pastime is publicizing information about government policies and developments, especially those they perceive not to be getting enough attention from other politicians and those they believe to be capable of damaging Antarctica's civic society in some way. One of the party's most crucial reporting traditions concerns the risk, and occasionally the occurrence, of corruption and conflict of interest in Antarctic state institutions.

- The Penguin Party is a minor Antarctic satire party with a variety of humorous policy proposals, foremost of which is their promise to give any and all seats they win on the Council to king penguins. Much of its base consists of Antarctic high school and university students as well as the very politically disengaged, and it also swells up with protest votes when the three major parties are felt to be unappealing, such as in the 30XX election after the Kateel corruption scandal. Some of its other proposals include legally changing every doctor's first name to 'Doctor,' ordering Antarctic rupee bills to be issued in prime numbers only, and instituting paperwork as the national sport. The party has promised that all government secretaries will be chosen exclusively by baseball tournament, pledges to mandate the wearing of scarves in the Antarctic public decency laws, and proposes to eliminate digital piracy by replacing it with traditional piracy, including the construction of old-time pirate ships.

The budgetary income raised by these taxes is spent largely on Antarctica's highly comprehensive and generous social safety net. In Antarctica, corporations are required to provide their employees with pensions and paid family leave. This became a customary arrangement because it allows the Free Republic to double its spending on the most essential aspect of the Antarctic social safety net: financial assistance for all Antarcticans, especially those who have families and those who are least fortunate, to the extent that poverty and hunger have long since been effectively eradicated in Antarctica. This enviable achievement is not only a result of the assistance programs; it also hinges on the free and universal provision of health care, education at all levels, and a variety of public services such as water, heating, electricity, peacekeepers, emergency services, transportation, and more, all of which are publicly funded and operated. The financial security of the Antarctic people is the practical basis for Antarctica's exemplary market freedoms, which ensures an incentive for companies to continue their contributions in the form of pensions and family leave.

Finance Stats as a Percentage of GDP
- Revenue: from Income Tax 26%; Value Tax 12%; Corporate Tax 5% - Total 43%
- Spending: on Welfare 18%; Health Care 8%; Education 7%; Miscellaneous Services 3%; Foreign Aid 2%; Government Administration 2%; - Total 40%
- Surplus: +3%

The efficiency and wealth of the Antarctic economy, meanwhile, is driven largely by the Antarctic private sector, an efficient and dynamic engine of wealth creation shaped throughout by the distinctive influence of Antarctic market economics. In Antarctica, the national social safety net is so comprehensive and generous that it is nearly impossible for working Antarcticans to be driven into poverty by market forces. As a result, while Antarctica's private sector is naturally subject to basic laws that prevent harmful business practices, the labour market and product market are otherwise lightly regulated. The process of creative destruction is allowed to take place without encumbrance, as the social safety net effectively insulates Antarcticans from the fallout. As a result, the Antarctic economy as a whole is highly dynamic, usually growing by 3 to 5 percent each year. The service industry and the financial industry are the main drivers of the Antarctic economy, and other tertiary sectors make up all but a sliver of the rest. The last few percent are taken up by agriculture and manufacturing, characterized by a very low amount of consumer demand for physical goods. As a free market economy, Antarctica experiences recessions every few decades, during which the government steps in to restore commercial demand and ensure a quick recovery.

Currency
- Name: Antarctic rupee (₹)
- Division: Antarctic penny (p)
- Division rate: ₹1 = 100p

Disposable Income
- Median: TBD
- Richest 10%: TBD
- Lowest 10%: TBD

Gross Domestic Product
- Total: TBD
- Per capita: ₹204,233
- Growth: 4.1% annually

Other Economic Stats
- Gini Coefficient: 0.242
- Unemployment rate: 3.3%
- Inflation: 1.2% annually

Overall, Antarcticans enjoy an economy that works for them materially and financially, and that satisfies their desire to keep their nation's beloved forests intact. The tertiary sectors of the economy operate with little to no strain on the environment, while manufacturing is kept very slow and products extremely durable, to contain demand for natural resources. Due to the benefits of Antarctica's strong social safety net, its people enjoy, by the standards of the 21st century, what would be considered a remarkably high standard of living among the relatively well-off and the working class alike. The only major priority is avoiding long recessions, so that Antarcticans' steady financial supplies do not dry up. The homeless and unemployed are given shelter and the resources they need to survive, as well as the assistance they need to find a steady job. As a result of the social safety net and of the ease in finding jobs in Antarctica, hunger and poverty have been virtually eradicated from the face of the continent. In the face of this profound success, Antarcticans feel a great level of satisfaction with their economic system in general, and political debates around the economy typically concern the matter of how best to maintain the system and shore it up.

The regular selection of the individual and political makeup of the National Council by the Antarctic people is governed by an electoral system that, in large part, has stood since the early days of the Free Republic. Every three years, there is a registration period from July through October, in which various candidates register to stand for election. Any Antarctican eligible to vote is also eligible to be a candidate. In Antarctica, candidates stand for office in groupings called lists, which usually, although not necessarily, correspond to political parties. The process of candidate and list registration is carried out on the prefectural level, and so voters in each prefecture theoretically have a different selection of lists and candidates to choose from. In practice, Antarctic political parties typically field lists in all prefectures, leading to a nationwide contest - but unaffiliated lists, both local and national, have also been known to win seats from time to time. Each list is given the option to place some or all of its candidates in preferential order, which is usually done in practice, although it is not strictly necessary per the workings of the electoral system. The deadline for registration is the 1st of November, the beginning of the campaign period. A prominent public display of lists and candidates is put up in each polling district. To simplify the process of voting in a country where several different scripts are used in writing on a daily basis, candidates and lists are assigned electoral numbers in random order, which usually appear prominently on Antarctic electoral posters. Some unaffiliated lists are not given a name, in fact, and are instead known by their numbers. Next to these displays and elsewhere throughout each polling district, a number of stands are set up at which simple paper ballots are handed out freely; each ballot is marked with two blank lines, on which to write the name or number of a list and a candidate, respectively.

After a month of campaigning, the voting begins on the 1st of December, a public holiday in which polling stations are opened all throughout each city. First, a voter must present their citizen identity card and proof of their residence in the polling district to the station ministers, who record it and use it to prevent them from entering again. On the opposite side of the room from the station ministers, there is a privacy curtain, behind which there is an ultraviolet light source, a display of lists, candidates, and electoral numbers, and a marker which uses ink that is invisible unless exposed to ultraviolet light. A valid vote consists of a ballot marked in this fashion with the name or number of a list, a candidate, or both. Voters can bring a pre-marked ballot to the station, or they can mark a blank ballot after they arrive. In either case, the ballot must then be given to the station ministers, who are forbidden to use ultraviolet sources during the voting, and are thus unable to see the numbers on the ballot. The voter then leaves the polling station. At the end of the day, the polling stations are closed, and the voter identities are erased, after which the station ministers are allowed to equip their ultraviolet sources and begin the counting.

After all the votes have been counted, they are totaled by list and by candidate, and each prefecture compiles the results from its various polling stations. The prefecture's seats are distributed among the lists that stood there, as follows: First, a quota is determined, equal to the total number of votes divided by the number of seats to be assigned. Next, each list's vote totals are divided by this quota, to produce a quotient - some whole number plus a decimal remainder. Each list is assigned a number of quota seats equal to the whole number part of its quotient. Usually, this will leave some number of seats still unassigned. Each of these remainder seats is then assigned to a list in order, the first seat going to the list with the highest decimal remainder in its quotient, and so forth. In Antarctica, this electoral system is known as the Harriet formula, after the first Chancellor of the Free Republic, who is purported to have invented it. (After some years of research into this matter, the general consensus among historians is that she did invent the formula independently, but is not the first person to have done so.)

The seats assigned to each list are then filled by its candidates, in order of the number of votes they received. In case multiple lists receive the same number of votes, the order in which they receive their seats is determined by drawing lots; under the Harriet formula, they are certain to receive an equal number of seats if there are enough to go around. In case multiple candidates on a list receive the same number of votes, the order in which they receive their seats is determined by their position on the list, or, failing that, by drawing lots. In case a list did not field enough candidates to fill its assigned seats, excess seats of any kind are redistributed to the other lists as remainder seats. In case of the midterm death, resignation, or removal of a Councilor, every candidate below them moves up one place in the seat assignment process, causing the vacancy to be filled automatically, by the contestant of the same party who most narrowly failed to win a seat at the last election. There are a total of 399 seats on the Grand Council, which are distributed among the prefectures every three years using the Harriet formula, according to the total number of carded residents at the beginning of the registration period. Each prefecture is guaranteed at least three seats, which, if necessary, is achieved by adding what are known as floor seats to prefectures with insufficient quota seats, before adding remainder seats to the other prefectures. Theoretically, if enough floor seats were added, this could make it necessary to subtract remainder seats from the prefectures with the lowest remainders in order to reach 399 - but in practice, it has not been necessary to add floor seats to any Antarctic prefecture for more than a hundred years, let alone enough to cause a scenario such as this.