Flag of the People's Freedom Coalition
Names of Nation
The Independent State of San Javier/
El Estado Independiente de San Javier
Nicknames for Nation
The Opium Republic
Government: The People's Freedom
Coalition Government of San Javier / Coalición
de la Libertad de los Pueblos Gobierno de San
Chairman: General Pedro Fresia
Form: Military Junta
Largest City: Castillo Verde
Currency: Javieran Dollar/American Dollar
(Javieran Dollar Devalued to non-use)
GDP per Capita: $6,891
Cash Crop Agriculture
Black Market Inudstries:
Narcotics (Opiates and Canniboids)
Presidente Rodrigo Emmanuel Cajillo, 1973
In 1979, the conflict reached a head as the Anliana Cartel marched into the capitol and overthrew the entrenched government forces there. However, the cartel had no interest in wresting control of the government itself and had simply wanted to eliminate the Communist forces, which had been putting pressure on the cartels to recapture the poppy fields in order to fund their continued conflict. Foreign governments had mostly withdrawn from the conflict as the region became too destabilized to control. A power vacuum followed the Anliana Cartel's removal of the Communist central forces, as the remaining central government forces withdrew to the mountains and began breaking apart into smaller forces without central unity. The Presidential Republic took control of the capitol, but their decreased forces from years of war were unable to consolidate power in the rest of the country, and conflict continued over the next several decades as cartels, communists and paramilitary forces battled for control of resources and population centers around the country. San Javier has been described as "governmentless" or "a Wild West analogue in the modern day". While the Presidential Republic, under the command of Presidente Pablo Hernandez, claimed to be the central government of the nation, their influence did not stretch far from the capitol. Meanwhile, Communist forces mostly controlled the mountainous regions of the nation, and the rest of the country was controlled by rival, warring cartels.
The balance shifted with the entry of various forces into the country in 2016. The communist forces were broken at the Battle of Santa Ana and, after various political maneuvers, Pablo Hernandez was removed from office. His successor, Prisdent Flores, was killed in an assassination soon thereafter, and the remaining military forces of the country and the paramilitaries made a deal, forming a new government under a military junta referred to as the People's Freedom Coalition Government of San Javier. The current Chairman of the Coalition is General Fresia. This end to the primary conflict has left some armed communist gangs, but the nation has since seen peace for the first time in decades, especially since the PFC made deals with the cartels leading to a proper balance within the country. The country ahs been seeing its first growth since the 1970s under this regime.
Poppy fields in San Javier are frequently
sites of key elements of armed conflict
While the nation is extremely Catholocized and Spanish, an existing minority of Javieran ethnic natives, or Iza, exist throughout the nation. A local pidgin language of Spanish and Iza has come into being due to the prevalence of the Iza people, and ruins of the old Izaca nation dot the landscape. Historically, the Iza faced extreme prejudice from Spanish colonists, a racist gene in the nation's culture which can still be found to this day. However, ironically, the collapse of the government and the chaos since the 70s has ensured that a certain level of pragmatism has entered the cultural landscape, and the Iza have faced far decreased prejudice since, especially with the Azul Naturaleza cartel, who claim to defend traditional Iza values and their way of life, and have therefore been lauded by the Iza community as defenders of the race.
Without a central government maintaining law, order, education and infrastructure over the conflict, these areas vary wildly in quality and coverage across the nation. While cell phone use has become ubiquitous due to relatively low cost and decent coverage across the nation, infrastructure like landline telephony, roads, electricity and water are spotty across the antion. Larger population centers, like Castillo Verde and major towns and villages, are often connected to some form of electrical grid, usually produced either by the relatively few remaining hydroelectric dams or, in the case of many smalelr towns and villages, gas generators that provide power to major buildings. Roads in many parts of the country are unpaved, organic and ill-maintained. Only one major highway exists, and it has been highly damaged by cobat and is dangerous to travel. Hospitals and schools are rare, with most of the nation serviced by the two hospitals in Castillo Verde, and medical coverage otherwise being provided by lone doctors. Education has no central regulation or curriculum, and is mostly provided in one room schoolhouses in larger towns. Sewer systems are non-existent in many areas of the country, and indoor water is a luxury aside from in Castillo Verde and areas serviced by infrastructure developed by the original paramiltiary groups. A key facet of the PFC Government's policy has been developing weak services and infrastructure, so many areas closer to the capitol are starting to see significant increases in service, but it is still slow going to develop due to alck of expertise.
Cities, Towns and Villages
Castillo Verde: Capitol and largest city, center of command for the PFC
Agustín: Walled town controlled by Anliana Cartel, operates as base of operations for the cartel
Santa Ana: Mountain village, significantly damaged by the Battle of Santa Ana and bombings at the end of the conflict
Puerto Polo: Port city and center of majority of combat over last 5 years of conflict
Rio Pena: Largest town near poppy fields of San Javier
Constantina: Village at geograhphic center of oil fields
Monte Oro: Tallest mountain in San Javier's Oronas Mountain Range
Rio Cojear Caballo: Longest river
Javieran Steppe: Flat heartlands of San Javier and home to the poppy trade and oil fields
Central Government Forces
Formed from remnants of:
The Congressional Army of San Javier or ECSJ
(El Ejército del Congreso de San Javier)
Javieran Anti-Revolutionary Forces
for the People's Defense, or FJARDP
(Fuerzas Javieran anti-revolucionarios
para la Defensa del Pueblo)
The National Alliance for the Defense
of San Javier, or ANDSJ
(La Alianza Nacional para la Defensa
de San Javier)
La Sangre Amapola
Destroyed Communist Revolutionaries
The People's Army of San Javier
(El Ejército Popular de San Javier)
Popular Revolution of San Javier
(La Revolución Popular de San Javier)
The San Javier Conflict began approximately in 1973 and was a low-intensity asymmetric war between the Javieran republican government, paramilitary groups, crime syndicates, and communist guerrillas such as the People's Army of San Javier, fighting each other to increase their influence in San Javier.
It was historically rooted in the political discontent of the 1970s, which was triggered by the 1973 restructuring of the government under Rodrigo Cajillo, and in the aftermath of foreign-backed strong anti-communist actions following the restructuring. This would lead to the rise of drug cartels and paramilitary groups in the region, which would destabilize the area and prevent a strong central government from gaining a foothold.
The reasons for fighting varied from group to group. The communists and other guerrilla movements claimed to be fighting for the rights of the poor in San Javier and to restore the legitimate and legal government of the country. The Presidential Republic government claimed to be fighting for order and stability, and seeking to protect the rights and interests of its citizens, as well as re-establishment of the constitution that existed before Cajillo's rework. The paramilitary groups claimed to be reacting to perceived threats by guerrilla movements. The criminal drug organizations are fighting to continue unrestricted trade and growth of narcotics, and to protect their foothold in the nation. Both guerrilla and paramilitary groups have been accused of engaging in terrorism. All of the parties engaged in the conflict have been criticized for numerous human rights violations. By the end of the conflict, more than 250,000 people had died, most of them civilians (estimates suggest civilian casualties over 160,000) and more than 1.5 million civilians were forced from their homes between 1985 – 2012. 54% of the population in San Javier has been a direct victim of the war.
Several foreign nations are alleged to have connections to the conflict, including accusations against the Atnaian government of secret ANIA arms sales to the Presidential Republic early in its existence and facilitation of rebellion that initiated the conflict. Senior administration officials in the Atnaian parliament allegedly secretly facilitated the sale of arms to San Javier, which was the subject of arms embargoes. They hoped thereby to secure access to Javieran oil fields and to fund the capitalist forces despite the passage of legislation that prohibited Atnaian arms from being sold in San Javier.
Over the years since the 1980s, rumors about Ostehaar's involvement in the conflict have also reached regional media. According to some sources, the Oster government played a significant part in training and arming of mostly anti-communist forces in San Javier, using illegally obtained funds. In 1997, Luis Manuel Moreno, a San Javieran resident who claimed to be an informant for the Osters, testified on the alleged Oster operations in the island and expressed his intention to publish a book about it. Moreno was found dead in his car several months later, presumably after committing suicide.
During the seventies the Keomoran government send money and military supplies to the Presidential Republic (ESCJ) in order to stave of a second communist regime or anarchy. Later on Keomora sent humanitarian aid to several locations, most of them having focused on Puerto Polo. Relations are tense due to the demand to use the harbor and to lease Isla San Martin and Isla Mujeres.