The Wallenburgian people emerged much as other Arabian civilizations did: from the many nomadic tribes of the continent. Archeological discoveries of recent years point toward the Indevians of New Sweden as the prime mover in transforming our people into sedentary farmers and nation builders. As early as 2300 years before the return of Notch, what is now Wallenburg was home to a myriad of developing societies, all familiar with written communication, basic agricultural techniques, and the rudiments of warfare. Especially in the west, war between small, closely-packed tribes developed into a foundation for a military society and a strict hierarchical culture.
The Empire of Wallenburg, established centuries ago by Prince Colvert of Hanstein through a series of bloody wars and diplomatic acrobatics, long stood as a major power on the Arabian Gulf. With a culture tuned to nationalism and loyalty, the nobles of Wallenburg went largely unchallenged within the empire. A stable government, with one Emperor ruling over all of the kingdoms of Wallenburg, seated itself in the palace of Hanstein.
Through military force, the Empire exacted territory from its neighbors, becoming stronger and more expansive. However, its expansion beyond the sphere of the Hansteinsian culture created friction, as the populace in recently conquered territories resisted assimilation. Facing problems of loyalty, the Empire resorted to more authoritarian measures, imposing martial law on its subjects in the most desperate of cases.
Such problems only worsened as the world modernized. Successful republican forms of government challenged the concept of the ruling class, and Wallenburgian society polarized between those loyal to the Empire and those disillusioned with its increasingly oppressive tactics.
Tension exploded during the Fourth World War, and resistant territories, particularly in the eastern provinces of the Empire, broke out into revolution. The revolutionaries welcomed the armies of the Empire's enemies and supported their efforts to push towards Hanstein. However, when the Empire launched a massive counteroffensive, it ordered for the total extermination of revolutionaries and total destruction of all East Wallenburgian development, infrastructure, and cultural artifacts in an effort to erase the East Wallenburgian cultures from existence. It is this attempted genocide that has fueled lasting hatred among East Wallenburgians of their western counterparts.
When the Empire was finally defeated by the nations of Castilia and Stevensburg, the Revolution celebrated the establishment of a state separate from the Empire: the People's Republic of Wallenburg. Protected by the Treaty of Stevensburg and military alliances against the Empire, the new Republic was able to grow beyond its fear of western retaliation and invasion. It rebuilt its infrastructure and explored the potential of renewable energy. More importantly, it established a highly democratic government focused on the interests of the people as a whole rather than the power and wealth of the elite.
The National Assembly, established immediately upon the independence of the Republic, appointed Charles Derekson as the Emergency President in order to avoid breakup under the extreme emotions of revolution. As the nation cooled down, the Assembly gradually reduced the power of the President and became clearly supreme. The Assembly took control of nearly all functions of the state, dominating executive policy and only kept in check by a Constitutional Court and a People's Militia.
In 1915 RN, Charles Derekson dissolved the office of Emergency President of the National Assembly, returning all legislative power to the Assembly. In his last public address as President, he held that his resignation centered around the satisfying security of the nation, the stunning growth in education across just a decade and a half, and the clear signs that the Wallenburgian economy was booming in the hands of the people. Since many worried that Derekson would attempt to strengthen his role into a permanent, dictatorial office, the nation breathed a general sigh of relief with his step down from office. Republican government has been stronger than ever since then.
After the President resigned, the Social Democrats took the reins, strengthening further the social welfare programs, especially in public transport and education. Literacy and education continued to skyrocket. A market recession in 1917 scared the nation and inspired many to shift to the economically conservative National Republican Party, but a speedy recovery quickly killed this trend and maintained the Social Democratic control of the Assembly.
Around 1920 RN, the educational reforms of the Social Democrats began to slow, with the glaring education problems of the pre-Republican era almost completely erased. Likewise, climbing incomes diminished the ferocity of economic debates and agendas between parties. Infrastructure moved from above ground to below it, with major cities developing extensive underground networks to conserve space and limit the urban footprint.
Another economic halt in 1925 scrambled the non-partisan cooperation between the parties, with the National Republicans losing over a million voters in a single year and the Proletarians soaring back up to levels resembling those under President Derekson. A hostile Social Democratic party radicalized away from the nationalism and militarism that inspired many voters, and over the course of several years the Social Democrats and National Republicans both lost power to the increasingly populist Proletarians, who promised to build up the military, strengthen the border, prosecute illegal immigrants, and assert Wallenburg's status as a continental power.
With the nation experiencing over a decade of prosperity, confidence and nationalism are running high in the public mind. With crime almost entirely a thing of the past, the nation has cut back on law enforcement and prison expenses, focusing more on promoting education and welfare in order to continue a feedback loop of brotherhood to reinforce an orderly society. However, radicals within the Proletarian party have repeatedly pushed for harsher sentences, particularly against non-citizens or descendants of non-citizens.
Most issues today surround foreign policy and treatment of immigrants, as domestic issues have--for the most part--become relatively non-urgent in comparison to the military threat of other powers. Majority support remains behind the Proletarian party, which espouses militarism and jingoism. The Social Democratic and National Republican parties--often simplified to "Liberal" and "Conservative" parties, respectively--often serve as temporary allies to the Proletarians, who share Liberal domestic beliefs but Conservative foreign policy goals. While the Proletarians only hold 40% of the seats in the National Assembly, they hold a de facto majority in almost all cases, being able to draw off of the support of other parties whenever necessary.
Participation in the World Assembly has been quite controversial, with about 41% of Wallenburgians believing the Republic should remove itself from the World Assembly and act on its own.
You might also like to read "A Brief History of Our Glorious Nation".