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by The People's Autonomous Communes of Leskya. . 276 reads.

Politics of Leskya | .arkivoj

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    The political system of Leskya can be defined as dualistic in nature, split into ad hoc and ad libitum organisations. Generally, issues are addressed locally, not on the principle of self-sufficiency but of maximum possible self-control of the initiatives by the people involved. The culture of Leskya is broadly sceptical of mega-machines of the political system, having been developed out of an antagonism of political structures; bureaucracy and public administration are seen as "in-the-way", and most communities in Leskya prefer to resolve conflicts "here-and-now". Similarly, the system lacks any notable "political class", and members of the community are expected to participate in some way some of the time.


Ceaselessly established connections between semiotic chains, organisations of power, and circumstances relative to the arts, sciences, and social struggles. -- Deleuze & Guattari

Visual representation of rizomatismo

    Born out of the Desertist programme, rizomatismo is a core principle of governance in Leskyan political culture. Although implemented in varying manners across Leskya and adapted to fit individual occasions, there are consistent aspects.

    Broadly, the principle seeks maximum consultation between participants during conscious, continuous political deliberation. In practical terms, the community develops internal organs suited to separate functions and resolutions; these organs are not formed through democratic voting, but through consensus and meritocracy. Participants and members of the community are consistently involved in the organs of the community, and on principle, none of the members may be left out of the organs or limited to a single function.

    Implementation and interpretation of rizomatismo varies, depending on the exact conditions of the community; for example, south-eastern communities, which tend to be sedentary and clan-like in organisation, may implement it on a centralist basis, while traditional, Desertist communities spread out in multinodal models; the interlinked connectivity between all points remains a consistent and stable aspect of rizomatismo.

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Humour and joy have become the language of resistance. -- Burhan Sönmez

    Communes in Leskya (Esperanto: komunumo, pl. komunumoj) encompass a broad socio-cultural political structure and a network of microsystems present across Leskya. They are the fundamental structure of Leskya, and are ontologically involved in all aspects of life.

    Most communes are composed of between 150-500 individuals, and are established through a common basic agreement between its members, called the komunukodo. As each commune is different, and composed of culturally defined peoples motivated by their personal lives, not determined by a compulsory set of moral laws, it is difficult to pin down exact parametres of what a Leskyan commune is; the commune may be take many shapes, forms, and structures, and the following article should be understood as a broad, all-encompassing schema, rather than a monocultural, exhaustive descriptive; the size and functions, however, are mostly identical across Leskya.

    Although traditionally, the concept of a "commune" is that of an exclusive community based around a limited geographic area, typically agrarian in nature, the Leskyan commune do not necessarily fit said definition. The commune may occupy preexisting structure, or be created within an empty region. It can consist of one or two blocks, of a smaller neighbourhood, or of a complex of adjacent buildings. Within urban or city centres, a commune may consist of higher housing projects, while in rural countryside it may consist of a small town, to a group of farmhouses, to a valley. Further, the commune does not necessitate architectural monotony or unity, and may be composed of a group of islands, or in the case of nomadic communes, the paths and vague regions the community passes through.

    As such, the Leskyan commune should be understood as a socially constructed community which may appear anywhere individuals reside and live.

    The practice of komunukodo is a fundamental concept within Leskyan culture and system of governance. The ritual is akin to oath-taking, and varies between each commune community within Leskya. On a cultural scale, komunukodo-bonega refers to the founding oath taken by the representatives of the first 30 communes on the 20th of April, 2302, which established the first General Council assembly. Although an imperfect translation, the concept may also be taken to mean "rules of hospitality", akin to xenia in Hellenic cultures.

    The system was developed to act as a code of conduct during assemblies, as well as to formalise certain agreements between separate communities. Although the extent of the komunukodo is decided by its members, broadly, it involves an agreement of mutual aid, ensuring protection of the direct, personal context for living, producing, and dying within the commune. Unlike other social contracts, which may involve a social medium in its form, the komunukodo is strictly based upon social exchange and real relations; when a komunkodo degenerates into an object-oriented exchange, it ceases to be considered a komunukodo.

    Although individuals are not obliged or mandated to join a commune, and may instead organise in other structures (see: specialecoj), the widespread presence and cultural importance makes membership valuable.

    Communes within Leskya are networked through the framework of rizomatismo. The principle of self-control, and the extent of its implementation is determined upon two local factors: nutrado - "feeding", meaning its food production, including land, capacity, and diversity of its available diet - and ilhejmo - "tool-home", meaning the equipment used by the commune, including buildings, tools, housing, crafting, and land. The commune typically strives to be as self-sufficient as it can, primarily concerned with its daily supply of food; a commune is considered 'successful' if it is able to extend its komunukodo to 50 additional guests or travellers for a period of one Leskyan month.

    Rizomatismo may be extended to include agreements with other communes, and the concept does not encourage total self-restraint or isolationism. The agreements are framed in the form of an exchange, typically reciprocal (as opposed to mutual), and typically are established in order to broaden a commune's nutrado, particularly in the diversity of diet or variety of services. As all other rizomatismo relationships, the agreements are multi-nodal and multi-lateral, not planned by a centralised organisation, and entirely voluntary.

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    The hejmklano (lit. "house-clan") is the smallest social group division within Leskya (with the possible exception of a specialecoj), and the primary subdivision of a commune. It consists of between 5 to 30 individual members. Unlike the larger commune structure, whose members may be united by different cultural ties, the hejmklano is always based around the domestic life, while still being defined by the cultural identity and lifestyle of the commune it composes; due to the practicality of its size and organic influence over its members, and relationship to the broader commune, the hejmklano both influences and is influenced by the commune.

    Due to its small size and basic basis, the hejmklano is not independent and does not fully abide by the principle of rizomatismo. In addition, the hejmklano may itself have a number of subdivision within, depending on its sole size and practical surroundings, such as couples, nuclear families, households, teams, friendship groups, affinity groups, etc.

    By its nature, the hejmklano is a voluntary organisation, and its members may leave to join a different hejmklano or work to establish a new one, within the same or different commune, or become a specialecoj.

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    The kunurbo is the primary form of confederalism within Leskya, and the second level of social division above the commune. Although the word derives from the word for "city" (Esperanto: urbo), the kunurbo can take the form of any cluster of communes, such as a village, a town, a group, and may be formed based on geographic convenience, urban architecture, cultural or historic factors, or simple predilection. Further, several kunurboj may overlap, or be established on a temporary basis; the kunurbo can therefore be considered both an ad hoc and an ad libitum organisation.

    Most kunurbo are composed of between 10 to 20 communes, although it is not uncommon for the kunurbo to be smaller or larger. The function of the kunurbo varies, due to the strong sovereignty of the communes which allows them to limit or extend the functions and delegated powers of the kunurbo at-will. Most often, the functions include the management of streets, canals, water, power plants, local factories and workshops, public transportation, hospitals, forests and waters, depots of materials of all kinds, construction, emergency services, general help, and reserves for emergencies.
    Although the claim is often rejected by Leskyans themselves, the kunurbo is often cited as the lowest level of institutional self-government, built on grassroots principles.

    The kunurbo will often also be empowered with judicial powers, typically practicing a form of ĝusteco (English: justice, correctness, reconciliation). The practice broadly seeks to maintain good relationships between members of the kunurbo by addressing the cause of the conflict. This may involve a form of restorative justice, including the two conflicting parties with a mediator body of people's magistrates (who may be elected, allotted by sortition, or agreed upon by the parties) or the whole of the community itself.
    The ĝusteco is also extended to the specialecoj and non-commune residents of the kunurbo. The structure of the kunurbo allows for a wide variety of manierofaritaj to coexist closely; conflicts remain possible but not excessively enervating to the community. As such, the kunurbo is typically made responsible for managing the aid and integration of non-communal manierofaritaj, who may otherwise be unsupported without the internal support network present within communes themselves; this ensures the diversity of manierofaritaj and averts cultural hegemony by the commune structure. As such, the kunurbo has the task of arranging the survival of the specialecoj, helping them conclude agreements with communes and the broader kunurbo concerning food, work, social activities, and general resources.

    Typical of Leskyan political culture and its common scepticism surrounding institutional power, communes often ensure that their sovereign power is not being subverted involuntarily by the kunurbo, thus creating an unwarranted and anti-rizomatismo centralisation. This may range from built-in checks and balances, arranged review assemblies, or an agreed-upon momentariness of the kunurbo system.

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    The powers and the affairs of the kunurbo are exercised and discussed through the procedures of the Sidkonsilio, loosely meaning "sitting council". The Sidkonsilio acts alike to a township assembly, and was developed out of the local townhall traditions of the Islamic majlis (Arabic: مجلس‎). The Sidkonsilio is composed of two delegates from each commune, typically one man and one woman, two foreign delegates (see: eksterjo), and may include additional representatives of the specialecoj.

    The Sidkonsilio is not a formal parliamentary body, and acts more akin to a management body. They are not considered politically legitimised like a formal government, are not sovereign, and are not truly 'political' or legislative in nature; the tasks and activities of delegates are locally limited and purely pragmatic. Further, the Sidkonsilio is not fully confederal, and participating communes are not bound by the decisions of the Sidkonsilio; indeed, boycotts and public protests, organised through the kunvenejo, are not considered flaws within the system, but rather a sign of their functional operation and retainment of grassroots functionality.

    Depending on the size of the participating communes and their political microculture, delegates may be chosen by sortition, election, or consensus; larger communes tend to utilise sortition and allottment, while smaller ones prefer consensus-based appointments.

    The delegates of the Sidkonsilio are limited to one term, which is traditionally defined as one year, though other term lengths are not uncommon. The delegates of the communes are largely independent of the commune itself, as their political mandate and powers are defined by the imperative, and largely defined by their manierofaritaj. So as to limit bureaucratisation, the delegates are themselves responsible for the execution of their decisions.

    Delegate work often operates on the principle of nepre farenda. In addition, depending on the manierofaritaj of their commune, becoming a delegate may be seen as a civic duty, an enjoyable activity, a respected honour, or a chore; this itself further defines the parametres of the nepre farenda involved in delegate work.

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    The kunvenejo is a general term referring to any place within the kunurbo, though typically a public square, which acts as a location of (spontaneous) public assembly. The area is culturally equivalent to the Hellenic agora. The kunvenejo has diverse functions as a centre of political, social, cultural, and economic life of the kunurbo.

    Kunvenejo is typically located in the centre of the kunurbo, or if the kunurbo is formally walled or otherwise physically closed-off, near the eastern entrance of the kunurbo. Sizeable kunurboj may have several kunvenejoj, which are typically located near the local religious centre, the primary public pathway, or an otherwise large, easily accessible area. It is always isolated from residential areas, however.

    Broadly speaking, it is a dedicated space for popular assemblies. In political life, it is used to organise protests, rendezvous, public debates and discussions, political meetings, and may serve for open-forum mass society conferences.

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Main article: Graflandoj of Leskya
    The graflandoj are typically the highest level of coordinated inter-communal organisation present in Leskya (with the exception of the General Council), created voluntarily across geographically unified areas to address issues deemed tuttera (English: 'all-land'). They are traditionally established between individual kunurboj, although unincorporated and rural komunumoj often also participate. Like the kunurbo, a graflando allows communities to pool responsibitlies and resources which concern broader areas and demographics.

    Most graflandoj are composed of between 10 to 20 individual kunurboj associated within a confederal framework. The graflando usually represents an average of 200,000 people, although there are instances where it may represent upwards of over 500,000 individuals; demographic statistics within Leskya are difficult to calculate on large scales, due to the highly non-sedentary mobility of residents of communes.

    Defined primarily by geography and bioregionality, the graflando is highly economically unified. Similarly to lower levels of organisation, the graflando is highly self-sufficient, with around 90% of its resources being derived from within its participating communities. More populous graflandoj, however, may struggle with achieving autarky, and instead exchange resources with surrounding graflandoj; urbanised graflandoj, which lack the arable lands necessary for farming, typically provide cultural services for the surrounding graflandoj in exchange for food and materials.

    The voluntary and nomadic nature of Leskyan institutions makes permanent and 'hard' borders impossible, and this is true in the case of the graflandoj; communes and the higher-level organisations may choose which graflando they identify with and whose political organisations they participate with. This flexibility also allows the graflando to adapt to continuously changing circumstances it is presented with, and it isn't atypical for a graflando to 'lose' or 'gain' new communes within its sphere of influence, thus preventing many of the conflicts arising from lumping uncooperative communities together.

    In addition to this flexibility, the communal concept of the eksterjo is often present within the regional centres of graflandoj, although on a larger scale, with its members often being able to establish a commune of their own. These eksterjo-communes act akin to embassies between foreign states, though like communal eksterjoj, they are not prevented from participation in regional affairs, and are treated as any other resident.

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    Like the Sidkonsilio of the kunurbo, the powers and affairs are discussed and exercised through a unified Paktkonsilio. The Paktkonsilio's structure is highly flexible, and depends heavily on the geographic situation and other existing social structures within the graflando, though the concept is based heavily on the structure of the General Council itself.

    A Public Committee (Esperanto: Publika Komitato) is established through sortition of 5 members from each participating community, with 6 members from the iniciatemaj (the community which has called the assembly) and 3 outsider representatives from other graflandoj. The Public Committee is tasked with guiding the whole of the Paktkonsilio, akin to a standing committee in other political systems; depending on the purpose of the assembly, this may include assembling a forum of experts, establishing criterion and goals for the assembly, creating an agenda, coordinating transportation and/or resources, etc.

    Attendance to the assembly itself is voluntary and representation is based on physically appearing to the gathering. There are no political parties, though blocs of opinions may form organically.

    Some 'primary' functions of the Paktkonsilio and the graflando in general include much the same duties as that of the Sidkonsilio and kunurbo, merely on a larger scale, and are likewise determined by the participating communities themselves, dependant on how much authority they wish to grant the graflando. Unlike the kunurbo, however, the graflando is specifically concerned with the conservation, maintance, restoration, and rewilding of natural environments, such as forests, rivers, mountainous valleys; areas which are considered to be part of the Tutaj (English: 'Wholeness'). Additional further duties of the Paktkonsilio include the maintenance of local railroads, boat lines, computer-centres, research, energy-exports and imports, emergency aid, help for communes and specialecoj, and taking care of larger conflicts.

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General Council

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    The General Council of Leskya (Esperanto: Ĝenerala Konsilio de Leskjo), often also nicknamed Ĝenkon, is the supreme decision making body and the primary national institution of Leskya.

    First established by the komunukodo-bonega on the 20 April 2302 by the 30 founding communes of Leskya, the General Council has played a vital role in the creation of a common Leskyan identity and the development of Leskya throughout its history. Although its importance has varied, both waning and growing in respective authority, it has become the de facto 'national government' of Leskya; many Leskyans, however, dispute this characterisation. Like with any political organisation within Leskya, the authority of the General Council extends insofar as its participants allow it to extend, and participation in it by individuals and collectivities is voluntary.

    Although the purpose of the assembly is to establish a consensus-based decision-making body to address nationwide affairs, the General Council broadly serves as a large forum for the participants to establish contacts, conversate, exchange gifts and ideas, conclude new agreements between communes, learn and participate in educational conferences, and attend festivities and parties. Attendance of the assembly of the General Council is fully open and all-inclusive, with no restrictions based on regional location, citizenship, or otherwise any other legalistic prohibitions on participation.

    The General Council is established periodically, with an annual assembly held in Naturkomo throughout the month of July; the assembly commences with a ritual mass oathtaking of the komunukodo-bonega and concludes with the symbolic burning of a codified copy of the komunukodo-bonega, marking the dissolution of the 'commune' of the General Council.

    There are a number of political organs and roles within the assembly, as established by the komunukodo-bonega. Generally, the most important bodies are the courts (Esperanto: kortumo, pl. kortumoj), the facilitators (Esperanto: faciliganto, pl. faciligantoj), the working groups (Esperanto: paktgrupo, pl. paktgrupoj, and the participants (Esperanto: faranto, pl. farantoj).

      > Courts
      The courts of the General Council have broad operations to guide and organise the assemblies of the event. Depending on the situation and the purpose, the members may be picked meritocratically, or allotted through a random selection of willing participants. Although the courts refer to any organising committee within the assembly, the Supera Kortumo refers specifically to the standing committee supervising the organisation and management of the whole of the General Council, as opposed to merely individual assemblies.
      The Supera Kortumo coordinates the activities of various assemblies, often involving a delegate from each of the coordinated assemblies to represent the interests and goals of the group. Within its members, there is always a selected position of: a secretary, delegated with the note-taking and minutes of each meeting; timekeeper, tasked with ensuring the timeliness of discussion and adherence to agenda minutes; chairperson, tasked with organising speakers and ensuring order within the assembly; and two chief co-facilitators, who facilitate harmony within the General Council and who all other facilitators must report codebreaking and procedural error within their assemblies. Additional roles may be present, depending on their necessity. Other courts typically utilise a copied or amended structure to the Supera Kortumo.
      It should be noted that the courts, including the Super Kortumo, have little responsibility and power over the policies or decisions of the assemblies; their authority is first and foremost probouleutic, as opposed to classically executive functions such as those of a ministry or cabinet.

      > Facilitators
      As the name implies, the role of the facilitators is the facilitation of discussion, cooperative harmony, collaborative participation of attendants, and ensuring adherence to the procedures of the komunukodo-bonega. Facilitators are present typically present within most assemblies, and may be selected out of the assembly's own membership or selected on the basis of an eksterjo by requested allotment by the Supera Kortumo.

      > Working groups
      Although political parties do not exist within Leskya, affinity-based mass societies are allowed to be involved within the procedures of the General Council. Further, in certain assemblies, affinity groups compose the main organs of discussion, such as those whose attendance is too large to facilitate pure consensus unity or those established within the Health and Social Affairs Chamber of the General Council. Such working groups, or translated literally from Esperanto, "pact-groups" are vital in the procedures of these assemblies. They are defined by the selection of a spokesperson for each group, with each spokesperson gaining the sole speaking rights before the assembly for their group. Additional representatives or members (depending on the size and nature of the pact-group) also attend the assembly, and relay their opinions and wishes to their spokesperson throughout the assembly and during break-times. This system ensures that individuals retain a chance to speak at their group level, while discussion at the assembly level was kept manageable.

      > Participants
      The participants are all attendees and organiser staff members of the assembly. The participants contribute to the shared proposal and shape it into a decision that meets the concerns of all participants as much as possible. Rather than competitive, the participants strive to achieve consensus through cooperative activity and discussion in order to reach the conclusion for both their group and all other participants. All participants of an assembly are considered equal in status, and the court of the assembly strives to ensure that all participants are afforded, if possible, equal input into the process, including the raising of concerns, principled disagreements, and amendment proposals; in larger assemblies, the participants may also be able to express themselves within the crowd through hand signals or colour-coded cards. The process of the assembly is designed to operate with the active participation and input of the participants as decision-makers, and more importantly, as decision-executors, striving to minimise bureaucratic mechanisation of statist tendencies.

    The rizomatismo principle of maximised self-control ensures that the participation in the General Council never becomes politically dangerous or risky for a community, as should they reject the decisions of the General Council, they are able to continue to retain their sovereignty. Partly due to this, factors such as the reputation of a community, its historic connections, its cultural identity, and personal relationships of participants are as important as 'practical' deliberations.

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Mass societies

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An assembly of the Cult of Dionysus,
one of the largest mass societies in Leskya

Main article: List of mass societies in Leskya
    Mass societies (Esperanto: amasa socio, pl. amasaj societoj) are a broad category of socio-political civil associations and networks, typically between communes, united by a common goal, identity, or values. A mass society typically may perform a variety of services and functions, including bringing attention to specific concerns before the General Council, aid in the execution of policies for its members, act as political or cultural thinktanks, unite communes or individuals who share common interests and hobbies, or encourage a specific manierofaritaj. Mass societies are by definition self-governing and self-managing.

    Some mass societies may be local, regional, or national, created ad hoc or permanently. Although many communes unite into kunurbo based on shared manierofaritaj values, a mass society typically seeks to unite communes outside of the kunurbo structure particularly due to the distance or isolation of the communes.

    Although mass societies have existed throughout Leskyan history, they have traditionally been limited to small-scale or temporary organisations, due to the energy and time costs related with mass communication on a nationwide scale. The reinvention of the internet in Leskya through the .arkivoj network is often credited with the creation of permanent mass societies.

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    The eksterjo (plural: eksterjoj) is an external delegate within the Leskyan communal system.

    Although Leskya does not have any formal statist form of enforcement or regulation, the eksterjoj can be considered an informal form of both. Initially, the purpose of the eksterjoj was to observe the functions and procedures of their delegated assembly. However, as the communal system expanded, particularly with the influence of the Desertists, their role developed into the modern-day interrompisto (lit. 'interrupter'). The eksterjoj became seen as regular residents of the community, and are treated as an additional delegate to the assembly, with all the rights and authority of a native delegate. However, their function is to 'disrupt' the functions of the assembly, especially corrupt activities, bureaucratic tendencies, and isolationist, chauvinistic attitudes. They are also able to provide non-native ideas and a 'third opinion' on affairs of their delegated commune, allowing for innovation and communication between manierofaritaj on a direct, local level.

    Unlike native delegates, the eksterjoj are not recallable by the commune's residents, but instead exist on a term-based basis; upon the completion of their term, they must return to their native commune, typically with a report on the activities of their delegated community.

    Further, which communities the eksterjoj are sent to by a commune are allocated by weighted sortition, with the recent destinations dropping off the list in order to ensure that assemblies receive a wide range of eksterjoj throughout the calendar year, with said lists being organised by communes themselves, usually during the General Council.

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