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by The Khilafah's 14th Province of Region of Dwipantara. . 180 reads.

Alliance to Restore the Republic & Leaders [IC]

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ALLIANCE TO RESTORE THE REPUBLIC


The banned Star Wars films have long been a source of propaganda to the Alliance, as comparisons are endless: the Islamic Khilafah as the Galactic Empire, Salafi Islam as the Sith religion, Khalifah Zallum as Emperor Palpatine, the Atheists as the Jedi, even Megawathi is compared to Mon Mothma.


Committee of Nine, leadership council of the Alliance that represents different factions

The Alliance to Restore the Republic, also known as Republikens, Rebel Alliance, and (derogatorily) Ahlul-Bid'ah wal Jama'ah is a Dwipantaran secret society with members ranging from wanted political opponents of the Khilafah, moles within the government and the military, student movements, to top-notch political figures that plays a submissive opposition role in public but organized real conspiracies in practice.

The Alliance is a loose confederation of movements, factions, and groups, with the single goal of the restoration of an independent Dwipantaran republic based on the 1945 Pancasila compromise, ending the reign of Salafi Islamism's kegilaan nasional (national insanity) that has ran the country for three decades. Its members includes the left-wing populist party PDDP, large swathes of moderate Islam's stronghold Nahdlatul 'Ulama and Muhammadiyah, atheist organizations such as Atheis Dwipantara and Young Foxes, independent investigative press efforts like Cakrawala, and student unions such as KAMI and Forkot. Coordination of joint movements and funding is a key interest to this cooperative league. Inspired by Star Wars and its heroes' fight against the evil Galactic Empire, the Alliance and the cells before it were born from the overall discontent within the Khilafah of those who wished the Republic restored. Its efforts were led by renegade members in the Shura Council, such as Megawathi Sukarnaputri, Gus Dul, Amien Rassi, and its members were citizens of the Province 14, student activists such as Adian Napitalan and Budiman Surdjomiko, and defectors from the regional branch of the Islamic Ummah Armed Forces (IUAF), from Brig. Gen. Fachrul Raiz to many more younger officers.

Organizational structure are organized loosely and with great secrecy, designed to protect the Alliance from secret police investigation and with the ability to quickly quarantine cells that have been uncovered. All members are given an alias and refer to eachother with that name. Highest ranking members sat upon a clandestine group known as the Panitia Sembilan (Committee of Nine), with the right to negotiate, propose, and organize the Alliance's finances, mole activities, and movements of pro-Republiken masses. Below are some of the highest ranking members, not in order of significance. The numbers are given by this fox-site for clarity purposes.

Members of the Panitia Sembilan (Committee of 9), leaders of the Alliance



01. Megawathi Sukarnaputri, Leader of PDDP


Megawathi, the "Bull Mom"

"Whoever rejects the Pantjasilan ideology should get out of Dwipantara."

—Chairperson Megawathi

Megawathi Sukarnaputri is the leader of the Partai Demokrasi Dwipantara Perdjuangan (PDDP, Dwipantaran Democratic Party of Struggle), daughter of Dwipantara's founding father Sukarno, and the de-facto leader of both the Alliance and the Panitia Sembilan. She was appointed leader of the rubberstamp "opposition" party by the Cendana government, who thought that she can be easily controlled. Under her reign however, the nationalist, populist, left-wing party rapidly grew instead, wildly popular with the wong tjilik (low-income population) and the non-Muslims and is basically unstoppable in stronghold regions such as Central Java and Bali. For the 1998 Shura elections, the party published the anti-Khilafah political manifesto, Dwipantara Menggugat ("Dwipantara Accuses") which among other things called for:

  • Independence referendum

  • Free and fair elections, removing restrictions on both woman and non-Muslims to vote and/or be voted into office

  • Nationalization of resources and critical companies controlled by the habib oligarchs and "colonists" (elite Khilafah citizens from outside of the province), whose profits will be allocated to fund infrastructure and education

  • Radical revamp of the economy, finance, land ownership, defense, education, sharia-based criminal laws and social restrictions

  • Abolition of: "fatwa" as a legal source of law, habib's aristocratic special status, dhimmi caste system, censorship, and blasphemy and apostasy laws

  • Total abolition of slavery, with major slaveowners declared criminals against humanity and then put into Nuremberg-style trial in bulk

  • Land reform, where "feudal lands" will be taken by state-owned companies and/or distributed to farmers, backed with legal certainity

  • Establishment of a strong Corruption Eradication Comission

Such proposals proved to be a galvanizing recruitment tool. Her party then took a critical pro-independence turn, leading the Khilafah to directly intervene during the 1997 Leadership Convention. This escalated into a bloody conflict between Megawathi's supporters and Khilafah-sponsored paramilitary thugs, known as Peristiwa 27 Juli (27th of July Affair). Despite the Khilafah's best efforts however, the overwhelming majority of PDDP members and its associates acknowledge her as the rightful chairperson, and her surprise victory propelled her as a national leader.

Under her leadership, the PDDP affirmed themselves as the main opposition to the Islamist ideology. Her campaign is focused on criticizing the Khilafah's institutions and laws through economic and academic lenses, as opposed to religious lens. Reforms must be based on existing implemented projects that has been proven to work, or based on purely analytical-realistic solutions. This also goes for her campaign for independence, as PDDP's nationalist promises of booting out "imperialist elements", cracking down on Islamist vigilante activities, criminal justice and education reform, the radical restructuring of government and public institutions, and the nationalization of Khilafah-owned companies can only happen if the archipelago become an independent state. In particular, she is seeking to form a unitary central government with control over investment and laws, and then plan to shower the archipelago with Chinese investments and trigger rapid development.

Such profound changes would mean open conflict with the existing Islamic establishment. Combined with the disastrous result of the Khilafah Islamiyah's National Insanity, all of the factors had emboldened her to support French-style laicist secularism, achieveable by clamping down on Islam, its institutions, and its ulemas. This is the only way, in her view, for Dwipantara to be able to modernize. As a result, she is rumoured to be planning to turn Dwipantara into a secular, fascist one-party dictatorship along the "Chinese model" based on Sukarnoist ideals, where her PDDP would guide the archipelago into becoming an "Asian Tiger". Obviously, this rumour has been denied as "baseless", but it is nevertheless her dream to form a united "Pan-Asian Bloc" with Korea, an independent India, Japan, the Kuomintang in Beijing, and other Asian Tigers, thus challenging Western domination. Meanwhile, other simply resents her overall quality, describing her as "not too bright", "naive", and "uncharismatic". The anti-Islamism PDDP is also said to be heavily funded and influenced by wealthy Chinese-Christian oligarchs such as James Lippo, leading some detractors to accuse Megawathi for being a "puppet". As the 1997 Crisis rages on to the next year, the Alliance more or less united behind her for the greater good, but whether she can maintain her authority after an independent republic is restored and an election held is uncertain. Nevertheless, her leadership and consensus-based method so far has and is pivotal in the Alliance's meteoric rise.

Trivia:

  • As a traditional Javanese, Megawathi is known to be very superstitious, in addition to being a secular Muslim. Like many Republiken leaders, she sees herself as the prophesied Ratu Adil or Satrio Piningit, a divinely blessed messiah foretold by ancient Javanese legends that will save Dwipantara from calamity.

  • She is fenomenal for her appearance, who refused to wear the Islam-mandated burka (veil), choosing to instead wear the traditional kebaya clothing and style her hair in line with Javanese fashion.

  • Islam discriminates woman, banning them from taking political leadership. Megawathi as the Alliance's leader therefore stand as a testament to Dwipantara's resistance against the Islamists. Unlike Islam, Dwipantara also had a long history of female leadership, including during the Majapahit Empire.

02. Budiman Surdjomiko, Leader of PRD


Budiman, the "Hyena of Lawang"

"Prophet Muhammad is not owned by Khilafahists alone, his faith is much better than the Khilafahists. Voting for the Khilafah equals hoping for the whole world to go to hell. Therefore, voting Khilafah is haram (forbidden) while voting PRD is halal (allowed)."

—PRD Statement, echoing the socialist DN Aidit's 1955 speech in Malang city

Budiman Surdjomiko was a student activist who then became leader of the Partai Rakjat Demokratik (Democratic People's Party), a hardline socialist party with ties to trade unions, fiercely critical against the Khilafah. He is the most prominent figure of left-wing politics, seen as the successor of independence-era Tan Malaka's ideals. Tan Malaka was both a socialist and ardent anti-imperialist, who influenced the PRD's stance of opposing both the Khilafah and Western overtures. Surdjomiko vehemently rejects UN-led intervention attempts on the Republiken Restoration, instead believing that the power of the people will be enough to send the already exhausted Khilafah packing, like Dwipantarans did in the blood-drenched 1945-1949 war of independence. He is in favor of the establishment of a "fifth force", where laborers, farmers, and slaves will be armed and recruited as a millitia forces to enforce a Republiken Restoration. Seen as an obvious threat, government officials often blamed him and his party for many terror attacks across Java, though for now it is largely unproven. In July 1997, Surdjomiko was blamed for the bloody riots following the 1997 PDDP Leadership Convention and was thrown to jail. Despite this however, he still command a great deal of authority across the revolutionaries, and actively coordinate the province-wide civil disobedience from behind bars through various clandestine channels.

While the PRD had been vital in rallying support from ad hoc labor unions, largely from industrial regions in West and East Java, they are still viewed with unease by the rest of the Committee. Some have even accused them of planning to incite a violent class war after independence, along the path of the 1948 Jalan Baru untuk Republik Dwipantara (New Path for the Dwipantaran Republic). The manifesto, which serves as the basis of the communist insurrection in the 1948 Madiun Affair, called for the fusion of communists, socialists, and trade unions into a single party for the working class called the Socialist Party of Dwipantara (PSD). The PSD will then lead a proletarian revolution and establish a "national front government". This rumours have obviously been denied, but the idea of violent backstabbing had been a major hurdle in the cooperation efforts between the hardline socialists and the rest of the Republikens.

With access to millions of manpower from trade unions and left-wing millitias, including the Pemuda Rakjat insurgent army active in Central and Eastern Java, Surdjomiko chairs the secret Dewan Banteng (Council of Bull) tasked to organize mass civil disobedience across the archipelago and put constant, potentially unbearable pressure to Khilafah rule.

There are rumors that a secret group within the Republikens, motorized by the likes of pro-US Rassi and General Raiz, will try to use the socialists as a "disposable rag" to wipe out potential Islamist resistance following a successful Republiken takeover. In particular, they will try to pit the socialist masses against the hardline Islamists and bait them to enact the repeat of the 1946 Bersiap genocide, while keeping their hand clean from any charges of crimes against humanity. After both groups massacred eachother, the ruling Republikens can declare both of the factions "dangerous troublemakers" and enact a purge.

03. K.H. Abdulrahman "Gus Dul" Wahid, Supreme Leader of Nahdlatul 'Ulama


Gus Dul, the "Grandpa Pirate"

"I and Megawathi would be a good pair: I am unable to see and she is unable to speak."

—Supreme Leader Gus Dul

Gus Dul is a charismatic moderate Islamic ulema from East Java, son of a former religious affairs minister, and leader of the Nahdlatul 'Ulama. Due to Megawathi's uncharismatic and often clumsy personality, Gus Dul often takes the role of the Alliance's major spokesperson, organizing rallies and delivering orations. He is popular for his teachings about tolerant pluralism as the obvious solution to Dwipantara's chaos, calling for a "Dwipantara-style secularism" along the lines of Pantjasila. Many have even branded him as the "Tenth Wali", a sucessor to the nine Islamic Wali (grand scholars) during the 1500's who spread Islam through peaceful campaigns, assimilation, and respect of the local culture – very different to the hardcore position taken by today's Salafi Islamists. Influenced by the anti-hardliner movement pioneered by the popular TV ustaz Rein Divine Alatas, Gus Dul and his NU organization (whose membership grew to 40 million under his leadership) has pushed for a more open resistance against the Khilafah's puritan interpretations of Islam. This has widely been viewed as critically stoking the divide between the inquisitive Salafi Islamists, dominated by Arabic sayyid ulemas, and the moderate pluralist Muslims, dominated by native Dwipantarans whose Islamic belief had syncreticized with the local culture since the 16th century.

Exercising political influence through the PKB party, the NU "owns" an armed and active paramilitary wing called Barisan Ansor Serbaguna (Banser), the largest millitia group in the archipelago whose numbers doubles that of the armed forces stationed in the archipelago. They had been a vital player in the security and stability of East and Central Java, providing activists and local populace alike protection against intolerant Islamist thugs, Jizya collectors, and such threats. This massive NU-Banser power had became a vital backbone in the opposition – from academic debates to violent street fights – against hardline clerics and their supporters, and the Alliance's campaign to end Salafi Islamism's kegilaan nasional and push for independence. However, the Banser's loyalty ultimately lies on the NU elite only, similar to Hitler's SA in the 1930's. With control over a large supply of ulemas, a big chunk of the education system, and active members in the archipelago's governing institutions, the NU is sometimes seen as "a state within a state", and many fear its propagation.

As the archipelago's most senior and powerful moderate Muslim cleric, Gus Dul chairs the secret Dewan Gadjah (Council of Elephant), a forum to organize prominent moderate Muslim leaders and organizations into supporting the Republiken cause. Though in reality, he delegated a significant amount of the day-to-day tasks in the council to his protégé, student activist Rein Divine Alatas.

Trivia:

  • Gus Dul's left eye was blinded after an assasination attempt, where he was supposed to be killed by an "accident" while riding his motorcycle. His nickname is derived from this event.

  • He regularly uses the Javanese language for his sermons, as to confuse the Arabic-speaking secret police and hide his severe critcisms against the Khilafah in an array of idioms and stories.

  • Despite appearing as an old, ailing grandpa on the brink of death, people closer to Gus Dul instead described him as a bright and humorous father figure. His mind is said to be immense, being able to comfortably converse in six different languages, is an enthusiast in military equipments and doctrines, and knows various kinds of music from Bach and Chopin to classic dangdut folk songs and northern coast tarling, complete with the philosophy and meanings behind them.

04. Prof. Amien Rassi, PB Chairperson of Muhammadiyah


Rassi, the "Uncle Sengkuni"

"Because Allah supports those who are just. Thus, it is clear that we are the followers of Allah while Khilafah is the followers of satan."

—Chairperson Rassi

Amien Rassi is the leader Muhammadiyah, the second largest moderate Islamic mass organization with 29 million members that opposes Salafi Islamism's kegilaan nasional – though much stricter and more conservative than the liberal, traditionalist NU and its syncretic "Islam Dwipantara" concept. He also heads the ICMD, an alliance of Dwipantaran Muslim scholars. As one of the most outspoken leaders of the Alliance, Rassi has been a key driver in the criticism and protests against the Khilafah regime, highliting its abuse and corruption while pushing for necessary reform proposals that now gained immense popularity. He especially maintains close cooperation with the student movements, whose large and routine mass protests are the most visible elements of the Republiken Restoration effort. In particular, he seemed to not bee too fond of the student figure Rein Divine Alatas, as he desires to wrest the support of the students for his own aspirations.

One of Rassi's proposal that differs from his Republiken colleague is his support for a federal form of the state, modelled after the US form of government. He disapproves of Megawathi's vision of a strong central government able to significantly allocate resources and manage investment laws, instead wishing for a stronger regional autonomy. Rassi is known to tie a close relationship with Western nations, most importantly the US and Australia. Being tasked to represent the Alliance in backdoor negotiations with foreign powers, his economic policies are strongly supportive of the Washington Consensus. He have even argued that to make the future independent Republic strong enough to deal with the Khilafah, Islamist militants, rebellions, and even Chinese enroachment, an independent Dwipantaran republic should join the US-dominated Trans-Pacific Defense Partnership (TPDP) as soon as possible.

Secretly, Rassi is the chair of the Inter-Governmental Group on Dwipantara (IGGD), a forum comprised of diplomats from 9 western nations that supports Dwipantaran independence. He is also the Republikens' "chief representative" to the CIA, with direct access to CIA South East Asia's central operations headquarters in Bangkok. In this position, he chairs the the secret Dewan Manguni (Council of Scops Owl), a secret club tasked to oversee Republiken cooperation with the US-Australian intelligence community and is consisted of various figures, from Army deputy Brig. Gen. Fachrul Raiz to TV personality and student activist Rein Divine Alatas.

Trivia:

  • He posesses an incredible talent in political intrigues, outmanuevering the Khilafah government to advance the Alliance's goals and seen as one of the "brain behind the throne". His revolutionary nom de guerre, Sengkuni, is taken from Mahabharata legend about a cunning politician who conquered the Kingdom of Indraprastha through a mere game of dice.

  • Others however are wary, as he shows clear ambitious plans and is reportedly eyeing for the new republic's top leadership. His plans for after a successful independence movement is yet to be seen.

05. Brig. Gen. (ret) Lutarch B. Pandjaitan, Founder of Toba Group


Lutarch, the "Bulldozer"

"Your sin is abundant, so shut up. But if you want to play, we can search all your sins one by one."

—Brig. Gen. Lutarch

Lutarch Pandjaitan is an influential Batak-Christian tycoon known for his no-nonsense, get-things-done attitude. The first non-Muslim to reach the rank of brigadier general in the army (promoted with the hope of countering anti-Khilafah resistence in North Sumatra), Lutarch retired early after vehemently opposing the government's harsh method in dealing with the rebels. His link within the army and government bureaucrats in Sumatra runs deep, and is rumoured to be behind many pro-Republiken millitias active throughout western Dwipantara. Lutarch had also forged a close business and cooperation link with influential taipan (oligarchs) from China mainland, and manage the day-to-day acquirement and distribution of funding into the Alliance's many cells, essentially becoming the Alliance's de facto treasurer.

Lutarch is currently responsible in organizing support from big business and military elites for the Alliance, while maintain communication with the Kuomintang government. A devout Christian, he has also been tasked to oversee the Alliance's communication with separatist and sectarian rebels in the outer isles, with the goal of an immediate ending to conflicts once Khilafah rule is kicked out. In that effort, his bloc essentially became the coordinating bridge for most armed insurrections independent from the Alliance. He is intimately involved with foreign government intervention and their intelligence efforts, each of whom wants to support an anti-Khilafah faction in various ways. As the de facto treasurer, it is thus Lutarch's job to be the bridge between these source of fundings and the local movements that needs them.

  • Lutarch was actually the superior of incumbent Interior Chief and Governor Sourheart's son-in-law Pascabowo during their times in the army, but was sidelined due to political reasons.

  • Along with James Lippo, Lutarch's business empire in natural gas, mining, and electricity is one of the Alliance's major source of funding.

06. Sjarifuddin Kartasasmita, Attorney General


Kartasasmita, the "Hell Reaper"

"Bravery doesn't reduce your age. Cowardice doesn't increase your age. So don't choose cowardice, because it makes you useless."

—AG Kartasasmita

Kartasasmita was the chief prosecutor of the Zakar'tah High Court who rose to the spotlight following his famous investigations and trials of Edy Tansil, a powerful banker and close ally of Agriculture Chief Tommy Sourheart who was accused of embezzling USD 565 million in loans from the state-owned Bank Pembangunan Dwipantara, causing the bank to collapse. With this achievement, Vice Governor Habeibi and regional defense czar Wintarto supported him to the Attorney General office and tasked him to radically clear and reform the judicial system, since it is one of the most pressing demand made by protesters. This pitted him directly against the powerful cabal around Governor-General Sourheart, most importantly his archnemesis Agriculture Chief Tommy Sourheart and the highly influental "law mafia". To do this, Kartasasmita uses his immense popularity to his advantage, pioneering the "transparency movement" that opens the judicial system to the press and public using digital technologies.

Secretly however, Kartasasmita is intimately involved with the Alliance to Restore the Republic, and uses his position to conduct a "lawfare" against the Cendana regime by slowly eliminating their key supporters one by one. As one of the biggest Alliance agent deep inside the government, he is tasked to slowly and silently purge pro-Khilafah officials from within the judicial system and replace them with more supportive ones. The support from the regional military chief, Lt. Gen. Wintarto, have been particularly critical in realizing his plans.

With his position on the top of the province's judicial system, Kartasasmita chairs the secret Dewan Laba-laba (Council of Spider), a network of judicial, police, and intelligence deep state in charge of the lawfare operations for Republiken interests. One of their task is to create and publish the Proscription, a secret regular bulletin that lists every pro-Khilafah figure deemed dangerous to the Republiken cause, and thus needed to be eliminated in any way.

  • During his term, large data leaks involving irregularities in budget management, stimulus for the economic crisis, and projects on the outer islands was leaked to the press, implicating powerful figures such as Economy Chief Bob Hasson and businessman Tommy Winietta (coincidentally, all of whom are rivals of Wintarto and his cabal) in an unprecedented corruption scandal. Kartasasmita has ordered investigation to find the figures behind the leaks, but it is strongly suspected that he himself is the actual perpetrator. Meanwhile, he aggresively pushed for large scale investigation to the cases uncovered with the leaks, publishing daily updates and even independently coordinating with reformists in the Shura Council to establish an Extraordinary Committee with extraordinary interpelative powers to accelerate investigations.

07. Brig. Gen. Fachrul Raiz, Deputy Chief of the Regional Army Command


Raiz, the "Grass Mower"

"Power is something that comes out of the barrel of a gun."

—Brig. Gen. Raiz

Brig. Gen. Fachrul Raiz is the deputy leader of the province's land forces, and aligned himself with nationalist-supporting Red-White faction in the province's military under Lt. Gen. Wireton. With complete control over the armed forces in Central Java region, he is Wireton's most important subordinate in countering Maj. Gen. Pascabowo's plan. Unlike Wireton however, who merely sympathizes with the Republikens and pass policies that benefit the group, Raiz is intimately involved with the Alliance, recruiting and organizing pro-independence officers within the military while providing support and cover for them. Together with Brig. Gen. Agum Gumelar, he has built a secret deep state in the military led by the Dewan Garuda (Council of Eagle), with himself as the chairman, ready to launch a coup against the Green Islamists faction in preparation for the unavoidable snowball of Republiken momentum. His targets includes Finance Chief as-Samad, Director Van Zen, and Interior Chief Pascabowo.

  • In a glance, this coup plan is reminiscent to the 1965 Gestapu coup that killed seven republican army commanders, and rightly so. There are even rumours within Republikens that the worst of the targets, such as Pascabowo (perpetrator of the East Timor genocide and murderer of many student activists) will be killed and his body thrown into a well – in a direct replay of the event. This is risky though, so this plan is shelved until the time when Dwipantaran independence's momentum became unstoppable.

  • For a clearer picture, read the Menteng Papers.

08. Rein Divine Alatas, Director of the Young Foxes


Rein, the "Fox"

"Anything can be arranged."

—Director Rein

Radio and TV personality Rein Divine Alatas is the person responsible for directing the Alliance's propaganda and public enlightenment efforts. A brilliant strategist, he is perhaps the archipelago's most important student activist, being de facto leader of both the NU-aligned Ansor Youth Movement (GP Ansor) and the United Action of Islamic Students (KAMI), the largest student alliance in the province that controls student organizations in 80 campuses from Banten to Central Java. He is also working as a public "ustadz" personality whose pluralist teachings, radio sermons, and TV debates performance are listened regularly by millions. Founder of the Young Foxes, he pioneered the "moderate Islam" strategy that sought to exploit Islam's loopholes and turn it against the Khilafah, and is now working on a legal reform proposal that sought to bring a sweeping change across the Sharia system. Secretly an atheist, he is behind the masked figure called the "Fox", assuming the role as the Alliance's de-facto spokesperson and symbol of the revolution. As this persona, he directly leads the Atheis Dwipantara organization and its 1.4 million members. Rein also founded Cakrawala, an organization responsible for the distribution of information between Alliance members, propaganda, and public enlightenment – including this website.

  • Forming a bloc with Kartasasmita and Raiz, he secretly maintained constant communication with high-ranking elite figures sympathetic to the Republiken cause, most importantly Vice Governor Habeibi and Lt. Gen. Wintarto. This is to the contrary to his own men's demands, who wished for human rights criminal like Wintarto to be hang in the gallows. However, as a pragmatist, Rein believed that as long as the pro-Republiken elites supports the necessary reforms in democracy and corruption crackdown, a peaceful and fast transition is more preferable for a long-lasting and stable republic – as opposed to destructive civil wars. This compromising strategy also enabled the protesters to gain protection from the armed forces, as opposed to being massacred ala Tiananmen Square.

  • There are rumors that he actually one of they key figures working against his own boss, the fascist-esque Megawathi. It is said that he wishes for other figures, notably Gus Dul or the pro-democracy Brig. Gen. Susilo "SBJ" B. Judhajana to take the mantle of leadership instead. That being said, he had stated repeatedly that "everything should be determined through free elections", and are willing to accept its result.

  • Of course, this will be after liberal democracy and its human rights are nailed into the new constitution, thus preventing either Salafi Islamism or fascist overtures from reining over the archipelago ever again.

09. James Lippo, CEO of Lippo Group


Lippo, the "Dragon Prince"

"I love glamor. I when going overseas, one travel minimum I spend 3 million [dirhams], 5 million...."

—Fred Junady, CEO Lippo's lawyer

James Lippo is Dwipantara's 7th richest person, leader of the Dewan Naga ("Council of Dragons") mafia ring, and the biggest source of funding for the Alliance. Son of one of Dwipantara's richest conglomerate, Mochtar Lippo, Lippo inherited his enterprises from his father and has expanded his family empire from "sharia" banking to property development. As a born-again evangelical Christian, he established and funded many Christian foundations and educational institutions, and he frequently clashed against the ruling Islamists. Lippo is known to be one of of the biggest player inside the underground mafia, and 'owns' many officials inside the provincial government, earning him the term "untouchable". However, as a Chinese-Christian, he has long been supportive of the Republican cause, not to mention that the fall of the Khilafah will enable critical fiscal and monetary reforms that both benefit his enterprises and the common people. He is the greatest rival of Khilafah-aligned mafia boss and real estate conglomerate, Tomy Winnieta. However, his family are rumoured to maintain connection with the Chinese intelligence and its ruling Kuomintang. Lippo Group has also been involved in many questionable financial activities that stretches international waters, including during its funding of US President Bill Clinton's 1996 re-election bid, where he pleaded guilty to campaign finance violations after investigations by the US Senate.

  • Despite being an opressed ethnic and religious minority, Lippo successfully build a vast businesses empire ranging from real estate development, to """sharia""" banking, to tobacco. Together, this enormous empire have been one of the Republikens' most important source of funding.

  • Lippo is also known as an avid supporter of the abolition of slavery and runs many charity programs dedicated to the welfare of former slaves. His support might streches more than what is seen on the surface, however, as Lippo is rumouted to be behind the slave revolts in Sumatra and Borneo. In particular, the 1995 Palangkaraja Uprising had been disastrous for the slave-reliant palm industry in Central Borneo, and the harsh Khilafah reaction to it only spiralled into an island-wide armed insurrection by the Dayak tribal population, culminating in the November 1997 Sampit Massacre where two thirds of the city's elite Arabic population was slaughtered.

  • It is said that Lippo's political relationship with Megawathi runs deep, and she has even viewed as his "puppet" by some detractors.


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