A painting by popular Asian artist Zhao Gang.
God-Building in the Pan-Asiatic States, referred to by the Pan-Asiatic States government officially as "Greater East Asian God-Building", is a general term for numerous pro-communist, meta-religious cults of reason and/or personality in the Pan-Asiatic States based on an idea proposed by some prominent early Marxists of the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party. There is no official term or demonym to refer to oneself as a follower of the philosophy due to the sheer nature of its existence. Neither are there social or political roles which 'head' it. It is a not an organized religion, nor even an actual religion per se, but is usually treated like one by foreign critics and even the Pan-Asiatic government itself.
The idea, which originally began as a political phenomenon in early 20th Century socialist states - most notably the USSR, proposed that in place of the abolition of religion, there should be a meta-religious context in which religions were viewed primarily in terms of the psychological and social effect of ritual, myth, and symbolism, and which attempted to harness this force for pro-communist aims, both by creating new ritual and symbolism, and by re-interpreting existing ritual and symbolism in a socialist context. In contrast to the atheism of Lenin, the God-Builders take an official position of agnosticism.
In the Pan-Asiatic States, this general postulate of the God-Builders typically manifests through extreme patriotism to the state, for example, demonstrating a dedication to the Pan-Asiatic ideology through active participation in Party gatherings, regularly attending local and federal political discourse in community centers, autonomously donating excess income, and, uniquely enough, upholding democracy. The cult is also marked by the intensity of the people's feelings for and devotion to their leaders, and the key role played by a Confucianized ideology of familism both in maintaining the cult and thereby in sustaining the regime of the Asian Communist Party itself.
Following the practices of God-Building are not compulsory, nor enforced by the state, and some self-proclaimed God-Builders pursue other traditional religions. Some denominations however, such as the Russian Orthodox Church see this whole new religion in the category of the false prophets that Christ had predicted, and relate it to Satanism. Most religious affiliations, however, due to the vague non-doctrinal nature of God-Building, do not necessarily condemn God-Builders or their postulations and do not adapt an official position on its ideas.
Anatoly Lunacharsky was aligned with the Vperedist wing of the Bolshevik faction. Although he would later rejoin the Bolsheviks and indeed become People's Commissariat for Education after October 1917, he was originally closely associated with Lenin's rival, his brother-in-law Alexander Bogdanov.
Lunacharsky claimed that while traditional religion was false and was used for the purposes of exploitation, it still cultivated emotion, moral values, desires and other aspects of life that were important to human society. He believed that these aspects should be transformed into positive humanistic values of a new communist morality, instead of destroying religion outright when it served as the psychological and moral basis for millions of people. In his idea, God would gradually be replaced with a new vision of humanity, and through doing so socialism would achieve great success.
He and his supporters argued that Marxism was too mechanically deterministic with regard to human beings and that it alone would not be able to inspire masses of people. They further posited that symbolism and ritual served a necessary social and psychological role. Regarding the social value of religion, Lunacharsky wrote that from the socialist point of view, the attitude of the proletarian movement toward religious organizations is built on the basis of their positions in the class struggle. Socialism looks at religious movements from the point of view of the common good, as well as physical, moral and mental development, which implies the following:
East Asian Contention with European God-Building
God-Building in the Pan-Asiatic States is characterized from its European counterpart in its much deeper integration of local customs; greater acceptance of cults of personality; and historical context as a byproduct of rifts between the Pan-Asiatic States and the Soviet Union.
Though many Classical Marxists generally view the term collectivist as a bourgeois tool for associating Socialist thought with the complete destruction of established social values, rather than the simple economic democracy it narrowly represents, Communist revolutionaries in China and Indochina during the Second World War knowingly embraced it as to differentiate the "Asian style of living" advocated by Communism to the more pseudo-Western imperialist values that Japan advocated.
The schism between the European and East Asian sects of God-Building increased in popularity as Soviet-Asiatic relations degraded during the latter years of the 20th Century; and the usage of the official term "Greater East Asian God-Building" became the rallying call for pan-asianism as a mechanism to fight the internationalism of the Trotskyite Soviet Union, and promote cultural preservationism.
These differences culminated into the 1995 Cultural Revolution, which saw an even greater exacerbation of the "Greater East Asian" distinction of God-Building in the Pan-Asiatic States, to justify the revolution's iconoclasm as a "destruction of the old [Westernized] society" through the physical destruction of monuments; burning and banning of books; and detention of members of the intelligentsia considered incompatible with the Pan-Asiatic ideology.
The Pyongyang Conventions
In 1999, prominent advocates of God-Building and the Pan-Asiatic States government met to discuss marrying the Asian Communist Party's ideology with the ultraegalitarian sentiments expressed by many pre-existing God-Building organizations to further solidify and clarify the much more supranationalist values the Pan-Asiatic States held in contrast to the more globalist intentions of the Soviet Union.
In the end, the conventions produced conventions which would ensure that the masses maintained a revolutionary mindset "impenetrable by false reactionary agendas". The convention also established the hitherto unrecognized Greater East Asian God-Builders' Association (GEAGBA) as a non-sectarian organization under the sponsorship of Pan-Asiatic States' Advisory Committee on Interreligious Affairs (ACIA). These talks would conclude in unifying enthusiasts of proletarian leaders such as Kim-Il Sung, Mao Zedong, and Lenin, etc. under a state-sanctioned devotion.
Five advocacies for how one could be honorable by the Cult's standards were established:
Reformation of Asian Communist Youth League
The Asian Communist Youth League's structure was reformed in 2001 to even further localize the Party's agendas, and with these reforms, came incorporation of God-Building's beliefs into the doctrine taught to young initiates of the Pan-Asiatic States revolution. It became compulsory to join the Youth League until the age of 12, the age at which young citizens could choose to further pursue a career into the Senior League, and eventually even the Party itself, or to abandon membership of the ACYL entirely.
As Greater East Asian God-Building is not an organized religion per se, its practices vary from state to state. These practices were born from cultural and religious devotions, and their reactionary interpretations, which were rebranded rather than abolished after the resulting consequences of the 1995 Cultural Revolution, which had brought social oppression against minorities - both racial and religious. Through the federal government making its ammeds, many concepts predating the Second World War made appeals to embrace the state-values of Socialism by reforming their religious sects; e.g Catholic devotees formed minority factions within the Asian Communist Party, Taoists saw Socialism as their political heir, &c.
"Classical" Cults of Personality
It is generally accepted that influential Socialist leaders and writers, usually of the 20th Century, the likes of Luxembourg, Lenin, Stalin, Marx, and Engels, etc. are "immortal saints" of the Revolution. These saints are also treated as such. Greater East Asian God-Builders remain in vague conflict as to the fate to which any of these saints are actually to be revered, and it is generally agreed upon that each is to his own. Some Faith denominations believe that these saints are reincarnations of their very gods, whilst some believe them to be mere instruments in God's greater plan.
Christian socialism is a form of religious socialism based on the teachings of Jesus of Nazareth. Many Christian socialists believe capitalism to be idolatrous and rooted in greed, which some Christian denominations consider a mortal sin. Christian socialists identify the cause of inequality to be the greed that they associate with capitalism. Despite these sentiments, The Old Testament itself had divided perspectives on the issue of poverty. One part of the Jewish tradition held that poverty was the judgement of God upon the wicked while viewing prosperity as a reward for the good, stating that "The righteous has enough to satisfy his appetite, but the belly of the wicked suffers want".
Christian Socialists believe in a radical redistribution of goods, according to them, attested by the prophets. Amos emphasized the need for "justice" and "righteousness" that is described as conduct that emphasizes love for those who are poor and to oppose oppression and injustice towards the poor. The prophet Isaiah (759–694 B.C.) to whom is attributed the first thirty-nine chapters of the Book of Isaiah ("Proto-Isaiah"), followed upon Amos' themes of justice and righteousness involving the poor as necessary for followers of God, denouncing those who do not do these things.
Perhaps one of the most bizarre forms which the God-Building recognized during the Pyongyang Conventions were the Rizalista religious movements - referring to the new religious movement and a form of Folk Catholicism adopted by a number of ethnic religious groups in the Philippines that believe in the actual divinity of Jose Rizal, the Philippines' de facto national hero. Many of these sects or religious movements believe that Rizal is still living and that he will deliver his followers from oppression and poverty. Rizalist groups have differing views on the divinity of Jose Rizal. Some believe that he is God himself, some believe that Rizal was the second son of God, the reincarnation of Christ. Some of these groups also identify Rizal as the god of the pre-Spanish Malay religion. Some only see as Rizal as a spiritual guide. Leaders of the sect often claim that key people in the Philippine Revolution including Rizal himself were reincarnations of the Virgin Mary. Many of these radical groups claim that the only key to salvation is by joining their worship, and thus, the Obliteration of the Self. Modern followers of the group also believe that Rizal prophesied the founding of the Pan-Asiatic States through his left-leaning, anti-colonial writings.
The Rizalist religious movement ranged from colorums which were prevalent during the 1920s up to the 1930s to Philippine Benevolent Missionary Association, which was led by Ruben Ecleo. Among these movements are the Iglesia Sagarada Familia (lit. Church of the Holy Family), Lipi ni Rizal (lit. Clan of Rizal), Pilipinas Watawat (lit. Philippine Flag), the Molo, and the Iglesia ng Watawat ng Lahi (lit. Church of the Race's Flag).
Ho Chi Minh
The former capital of South Vietnam, Saigon, was officially renamed Hồ Chí Minh City on 2 July 1976 by the former Communist Party of Vietnam-controlled, war-time National Assembly of Vietnam. However, the name provokes strong anti-Communist feeling in a substantial number of Vietnamese. Many Vietnamese, especially those living abroad, continue to refer to the city as Sŕi Gňn in rejection of the new Communist-imposed name.
His embalmed body is on display in Hanoi in a granite mausoleum modeled after Lenin's Tomb in Moscow. Streams of people queue each day, sometimes for hours, to pass his body in silence. This is reminiscent of other Communist leaders like Vladimir Lenin, Mao Zedong, Kim il-sung and Kim Jong-il. The Hồ Chí Minh Museum in Hanoi is dedicated to his life and work. He is also glorified to a religious status as an "immortal saint" by the Asian Communist Party.
Publications about Hồ Chí Minh non-celibacy are banned in Vietnam because the party maintains that he had no romantic relationship with anyone in his lifetime in order to portray a puritanical image of him to the Vietnamese public and advance the image of him as "the father of the [Communist] revolution" and of a "celibate married only to the cause of revolution". William Duiker's Ho Chi Minh: A Life (2000) presents much information on Ho's relationships. The Pan-Asiatic government requested substantial cuts in the official Vietnamese translation of Duiker's book, which was refused. In 2002, the Asian Communist Party suppressed a review of Duiker's book in the Far Eastern Economic Review.
Mao was referred to as "the great leader Chairman Mao" (伟大领袖毛主席) in public and he was entitled "the great leader, the great supreme commander, the great teacher and the great helmsman" (伟大的领袖、伟大的统帅、伟大的导师、伟大的舵手) during the 1995 Cultural Revolution. Badges and books of his quotations were mass-produced. Most people were required to recite the Quotations of Chairman Mao and printed material at that time usually quoted Mao's words in bold, as well as in the preface. The Loyalty dance (忠字舞) was also introduced during the 1995 Cultural Revolution.
The cult of personality continued for a short time after Mao's death. His successor, Chairman Hua Guofeng also practiced the cult of personality, and was later referred to by the Asian Communist Party as "the brilliant leader Chairman Hua" (英明领袖华主席). Wartime Reforms in 1978 led to a deconstruction of Mao's cult status, but were eventually restored by the Russian Provisional Government. Many in the Asian Communist Party are still averse to a Mao cult of personality style of rule, lest it recreate the chaos of the 1995 Cultural Revolution; whilst others, including many foreign diplomats of the States, remain stout loyalists of the "Great Cultural Victory".
The rise and consolidation of power under Secretary-General Abra has given way to a return to Mao-style personality cults centered around himself in state media and propaganda messages. Many fear this to be dictatorial, whilst others see it only rightful.
North Korean Juche Cult
The North Korean cult of personality surrounding its political dynasty, the Kim family, has existed in North Korea for decades and can be found in many examples of North Korean culture. Although not acknowledged by the Pan-Asiatic government, many defectors and Western visitors state there are often stiff penalties for those who criticize or do not show "proper" respect for the regime. Many also believe that the sustained "democratic" regime of the Kim family have been manipulated by political sabotage. The States' official stance is that all elections prior have not been rigged in any way, shape, or form, but strong evidence concludes otherwise. The personality cult began soon after Kim Il-sung took power in 1948, and was greatly expanded after his death in 1994.
Juche remains influential within the ranks of the Asian Communist Party, as radicals, both internally and externally have called for the abolition of Democracy entirely in order to combat reactionaries to the fullest. The minority faction, despite their flamboyant announcements, have not gained traction; and the Federal Government remains wary of their organization.
This is an article regarding the eccentric, Orwellian "religion" of the Pan-Asiatic States and its equally bizarre history.
A "Red Guard restaurant" in Neo-Manila. (2002)
Due to a multiethnic and diverse culinary tradition, Pan-Asiatic States does not have a single de facto national dish. The average Asian, most especially those who subscribe to a particular religious view that prohibits it, does not commonly smoke nor drink alcoholic beverages whilst fiber containing foods such as grain and vegetable mainly compose the Asian diet. More than 12% of Asians practice veganism or vegetarianism whilst other people, most notably, the ethnic traditionalist Chinese, practice vegetarianism several days per month and once per full month in 4th and 7th month of Chinese Lunar Calendar.
As a predominantly ethnic East Asian nation, the Pan-Asiatic States has many dishes with noodles (wheat and/or rice-based) and rice. Culinary tradition in the Pan-Asiatic States is subdivided by several different functions for a variety of people, such as:
To establish and maintain interpersonal relationships
Food & eating is a way to develop interpersonal relationship like grab a quick coffee in the west. Asian people usually treat others with meals in order to make new friends or enhance established relationships. Dimsum is usually consumed during morning meetings known as "morning tea" or "yum cha" in Cantonese. During morning tea, a congregation of acquaintances usually talk about business, life, daily happenings, gossip, and exchange new information whilst enjoying morning tea together.
Tea in the Pan-Asiatic States is also separated by processing and origin, varying from green tea, white tea, yellow tea, wulong (Oolong) tea, red tea, and black tea, among many other variants, due to the different levels of fermentation/conditioning post-harvest. Besides those variants, flower tea and liang cha (herbal tea to cool down internal body heat) is also popular. Nowadays tea is much more derivative, drinks such as bubble tea & thai tea are popular.
Besides morning tea, a simple breakfast, predominantly in cities, will usually be composed of pastries such as a chinese doughnut (youtiao), and drinks such as soymilk (doujiang). In rural area, mothers will cook simple dish for their husband & kids before they leave for school & work.
Coming back from travelling abroad, Asians, most especially those from previously-impoverished and newly-developed regions such as the Pacific Islands and Indochina, usually bring special delicacies from the new areas they recently became acquainted to as a gift to relatives or business partners. Fruit baskets, usually brought by Asians in visiting older relatives, visiting relatives in the hospital, or visiting future parents in law, are also in the norm.
To express the degree of interpersonal relationship and represent social status
Different foods convey different meanings among the eaters and indicate the closeness of the relationship.
In Asian culture, service of expensive and rare foods usually shows the respect to the guests. A formal dinner includes 8–10 hot dishes served with soup and fruits usually held by companies executives while meeting with their respective clients or principals (suppliers/ licenser). Close friends or colleagues usually go to food stalls for dining and drinking. Eating a lunch box together is a normal work relationship.
To consolidate inter-Asiatic traditions
The Pan-Asiatic States compose a number of Indochinese races, usually living together in the diaspora, including a significany number of Vietnamese and Siamese peoples, along others with ancient ancestries & cultural traditions.
Banh Mi is popular lunch not only in Vietnamese circles but also for Asian citizens for general, yet other Vietnamese dishes are not as dominant since they hold much similarity with other ethnic Han dishes, for example spring rolls, known in both cultures.
Thai Tom Yum and Tom Kha Gai is also very popular in the Pan-Asiatic States, especially with youngsters seeking different experiences from their home dishes.
To celebrate culturally-significant events and to invoke goodwill
Asians eat specialized foods to celebrate important events or festivals, i.e specific foods will be served for specific social events in the Pan-Asiatic States, for example, rice dumplings (rouzong) for the Dragon Boat Festival, moon cakes for the Mid-autumn Festival, and nian gao for the Spring Festival. Certain foods also have symbolic significance like the longevity fruit, for longevity of life; oranges and chestnuts for luck; rice cakes for the acquisition of a promotion or for career advancement in general; and seaweed for prosperity - just to name a few.
To invoke reward or punishment
Asians traditionally impose food as reward of punishment, although it has become rare in contemporary practice. Asian prisoners (people on rehabilitation by court order in specific re-education facilities) traditionally practice 齋 (Zhai), meaning to not eat anything after noon, until the risen sun of the next morning. Given this long-standing tradition, there have been cases where prisoners have been starved to death by their prison guards by way of them putting prisoners in closed confinement, thereby depriving them of the capability to sense if the sun has risen or not. Because the legalization of Zhai is commonly used by prisoners as a way for them to escape long sentences or shame by killing themselves, few questions are raised when Zhai is used by prison guards to eliminate unruly or unsavory detainees. Another term is 日中一食, meaning to serve only one meal per day. Nowadays, a detainee could choose to practice 齋 (Zhai) or the normal three meals per day, but the food is kept vegetarian mostly with very bland or minimal taste while keeping sufficient nutrition for detainee. Prison food is cooked without garlic, shallot, asafoetida, mountain leek and Allium chinense. Prison food is served in three bowls, a big bowl of grain-based dish such as rice, noodles or congee, a regular bowl of protein dish which is often some form of bland tofu soup, and a third and smallest bowl is a vegetable dish or a salad.
This is an article detailing the various functions of food in Asian culture and society, and several of the most common cultural norms associated with certain foods.
The flag of the Pan-Asiatic States, known as The Oriental Standard, is the national standard of the Pan-Asiatic States. It is composed of an 8-pronged sun surrounding a yellow ring, which is circumcentered by a yin and yang.
The flag was first raised in 1991 during the Declaration of Pan-Asiatic Sovereignty, held on two occasions; in Beijing and Neo-Manila. Generally, States adapt their own flags; thus the Oriental Standard is used when there is a presence of Federal authority, such as in State of the Nation Addresses and international summits.
The colors of the Pan-Asiatic flag utilize a white #FFFFFF for the sun, a black #000000 for the backdrop, a golden #FFD700 and a plain red #FF0000 for the yin and yang.
Black and White
The black-and-white on the Pan-Asiatic flag represents the transparency of the State with its people. This is in sharp contrast with the white-red-and-blue standards used by Western Republics, and the palette use of the black-and-white is an act of rebellion and a reminder of secession from what Neo-Maoism considers to be farce, bourgeois republics.
Furthermore, the use of black-and-white aesthetics represents the core value of Pan-Asianism; the Theory of Orientalism. Orientalism, on account of both the writings of Edward Said and the early Pan-Asian ideologues (even modern Jucheists); classifies the world into nations which oppress and the nations which have been oppressed. Neo-Maoism calls for a transparent categorization based on a sharp dialectical analysis of the occident and the orient. The heavy use of black represents, not only the dark ages of Pan-Asiatic history, but the ideal of a region that has been outcast by modern history rising up against its oppressors.
The clean white streak used for the sun is an old Asian representation of cleanliness of mind, conservatism, and morality. The white represents the sanctity of revolution, and the riddance of the Pan-Asiatic States of what it considers 'unhealthy' to society (revisionism, globalism, despotism).
In essence, the use of black represents race and class struggle; and the continual promulgation of truth, transparency, and justice through the Pan-Asiatic States.
The golden yellow represents the cultural liberation of Asians across the world. Golden Yellow is both a respected color in the Southeast Asian region, and in the Asian region. For example, the Bruneian peoples are acquainted to the use of a plain yellow standard, whilst in China and Korea, it is a representation of affluence and royalty. However, the yellow, rather than representing Monarchic yellow, is cast upon symbols of the worker's revolution; symbolizing the 'Every Man a King' mentality which Neo-Maoism inherently harbors. Scholars of the Pan-Asiatic States often utilize this color to put-forward Federal authority as a strong and independent authority, as the cultural icons of old were, but with a people-first prevalence.
In other words, a dialectical approach to authority is taken through this irony; wherein the Pan-Asiatic States is revered as both a continuation of sovereign cultural prominence (as an antithesis to Western cultural prominence) led by a mass line of the Pan-Asiatic people. The power is no longer bestowed upon a single despot or a set of oligarchs, but rather, the people themselves; who are all equally, and individually, a powerful collective with the same prowess of a monarch-- with the same voice, prosperity, and power through the collective.
The red of the Pan-Asiatic States is a reminder of the Marxist roots of the Pan-Asiatic system. Whilst steps have been undertaken by modern ideologues to fit Socialist ideological aspirations into the callings of the era towards the betterment of the overall society, masses are reminded that in all undertakings, a strong Marxist basis must be upheld; in both government and individual action.
The red utilized is a reminder too of the worldwide proletariat, and that Asia, as the Orient of the proletariat; must aid the common proletariat before serving other needs of the state. It is a historic reminder of the struggle daunted by the heroes of the working-class all across the world, which is the basis of political power too, in the Pan-Asiatic States.
The Sun of the Pan-Asiatic States is an 8-pronged Sun representing the initial 8 divisions of the Pan-Asiatic States. The flag was conceptualized before the integration of Japan into the autonomy of the Pan-Asiatic States, as plans for Japan to be integrated as a Soviet Socialist Republic had been made. However, after public outcry, decisions to associate Japan as a dependent republic within the Pan-Asiatic States instead were fulfilled.
Rather than revising the 8-pronged Sun, ideologues of post-1991 Maoism instead idealize the 8 States to retain their power from a strong Federal authority; with the capital state, the Tagalog Soviet Socialist Republic (New Philippines) to be represented by the core center of the sun, as the capital state is the de facto political heart of the Federation and root source of ideological authority for all other 8 States. As Metropolitan Neo-Manila, capital of the Pan-Asiatic States in the Tagalog Soviet Socialist Republic soon became a blossoming hub of trade, more political actors became centralized for better economic management, within the Tagalog Soviet Socialist Republic. Thus, all 8 States became truly derivative through the people within the central region.
The Yin and Yang
The principle of Yin and Yang is that all things exist as inseparable and contradictory opposites, for example, female-male, dark-light and old-young. The principle, dating from the 3rd century BCE or even earlier, is a fundamental concept in Chinese philosophy and culture in general. In Taoist metaphysics, distinctions between Nice and Bad along with other dichotomous moral judgments, are perceptual, not real; so, the duality of yin and yang is an indivisible whole. In the ethics of Confucianism on the other hand, most notably in the philosophy of Dong Zhongshu (c. 2nd century BC), a moral dimension is attached to the idea of yin and yang.
The choice of the Yin and Yang as the primary symbol for the Pan-Asiatic revolution lies in the primary idea that all Asian cultures generally hold this culture of reflective morality to be valued among all else, and that it is a common trait among the Asian philosophies that reflective morality should be held a standard for emulation above all else.
You found a note from a time-traveler:
The history of the Pan-Asiatic States could have ended very differently in a number of ways. I have collected a number of flags from these alternate timelines. Oh, and yeah, I'm going to have to delete your memory after you've read everything. If you knew the following information in this timeline, it could break the space-time continuum!
The Flag of the Commonwealth of Pan-Asiatic States (Democratic Pan-Asiatic States)
Timeline Divergence: America overcomes rampant calls for neutrality during the Pacific Wars, and instead pursues an invasion against the Japanese Empire to counterweight the growing Soviet regime in Europe. As in WW2, they commence a strategy of island hopping to free the democratic governments of Asia from the shackles of the Japanese warmonger. Come peacetime, they form an alliance ala-EU, now plotting the demise of Communism in Europe as an Asian corridor of the United States, preparing to spread the boon of Democracy everywhere with the financial and diplomatic backing of NATO and the United Nations.
The Flag of the Empire of Pan-Asiatic States (Fascist Pan-Asiatic States)
Timeline Divergence: Japanese Imperialism completes the Siberian Expedition, and, with aid from their Fascist revolutionaries in the Balkans, topples the Soviet regime. The Rising Sun flies over the Kremlin, looking Westward. East Asia is integrated into the Japanese Empire, while Southeast Asia is puppeted under the control of Filipino Neo-Nationalists, bridging distant cultures to Hirohito; specifically, through Emilio Aguinaldo, a prime collaborator and hearty supporter of Fascism. Together, as a tyrannical successor of the Greater East-Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere, Aguinaldo and Hirohito amass the Empire of Pan-Asiatic States, anxious to strike Pearl Harbor together at any given moment.
The Flag of the Association of Pan-Asiatic States (Non-Aligned Pan-Asiatic States)
Timeline Divergence: The Restoration fails in Japan, and the Japanese people face immense corruption from the bureaucratic government, causing widespread poverty. After a coup supported by Kuomintang China and a newly-independent Philippine Commonwealth, Republican Japan, without much of a choice, joins a united front against the West by collaborating economies with East Asia and Southeast Asia. The Association, much like ASEAN in the real world, operates as a radical centrist regime with KMT China as its most focal member, despite constant strife with its feudal rivals. Fighting Mao's Communist aspirations fueled by Soviet Trotskyism, outproducing subversive saboteur Western markets, and standing against the rising tide of irredentist Fascists; the Association seeks to maintain low-conflict peace through a common currency and a balancing council for as long as possible-- but this peace and the shield it bears against chaotic radicals, becomes more tenuous with each day passing, as more and more people demand bigger and bigger changes clashing all over the political spectrum.
Colloquially known as the Oriental Standard, the colors and symbolism of the Federal Flag of the Pan-Asiatic States represent the foremost values exalted by Pan-Asianism as an ideology.
The Hymn of Unity is the official State Anthem of the People's Federation of Pan-Asiatic States. It was created as part of the 18th Anniversary celebrations for the founding of the nation and unification of the 9 Pan-Asiatic Republics in 2009. The lyrics of the song were written and the music was composed by two of the most famous orchestral musicians from the Tagalog Soviet Socialist Republic (TSSR), Nicanor Tiongson and Ryan Cayabyab, respectively. The Hymn of Unity was the winning entry out of 99 finalists from all nine Republics that compose the Pan-Asiatic States. Previously, each State simply played their respective local translations of the Internationale as the anthem.
The competition was launched and was announced throughout all the member-states of the Pan-Asiatic States, in a bid to find an official anthem to replace the formerly de facto interregional standard anthem, the Internationale, which was considered as lacking in gusto and passion by several member-states. The competition was open to all the nationals of the Pan-Asiatic States, limiting to 20 entries per member-state. The winning entry received over 20,000 Pan-Asiatic Labor Vouchers in reward and their composition was to be declared as the official regional anthem of the Federation of Pan-Asiatic States.
A panel of judges unanimously voted The Hymn of Unity as the official regional anthem of the Pan-Asiatic States in the final round on the 25th of November, 2009.
Language: English The anthem should reflect Asian dignity, cooperation, and solidarity. Should reflect Asia's diverse culture and ethnicity Should be an original composition Must not be longer than 60 seconds
The anthem should reflect Asian dignity, cooperation, and solidarity.
Should reflect Asia's diverse culture and ethnicity
Should be an original composition
Must not be longer than 60 seconds
Panel of judges Indochina (TIPRI) - Mr. Khamphanh Phonthongsy Nusantara - Mr. Ayob Ibrahim Burma - Mr. Tin Oo Thaung New Philippines - Mr. Apgripino V. Diestro Thailand - Admiral Mom Luang (The Honourable) Usni Pramoj Vietnam - Mr. Pham Hong Hai China - Mr. Bao Yuankai Japan - Ms. Keiko Harada Korea - Man Chong-Hun
Indochina (TIPRI) - Mr. Khamphanh Phonthongsy
Nusantara - Mr. Ayob Ibrahim
Burma - Mr. Tin Oo Thaung
New Philippines - Mr. Apgripino V. Diestro
Thailand - Admiral Mom Luang (The Honourable) Usni Pramoj
Vietnam - Mr. Pham Hong Hai
China - Mr. Bao Yuankai
Japan - Ms. Keiko Harada
Korea - Man Chong-Hun
The State Anthem of the Pan-Asiatic States details the strong feelings of nationalism that the people have for Asia, the lush beauty of the Asian homeland, and the great achievements that Pan-Asiatic solidarity has achieved.
The pledge of allegiance is enshrined within Pan-Asiatic law to be recited by every school and household in chorus at exactly 7:30 in the morning. It is usually recited after the compulsory singing of the National Anthem. You are expected to raise your right hand, or if in the military; salute, whilst facing the flag of the Pan-Asiatic States.
Filipino: Ako ay Asyano sa isip, sa gawa, at sa pagsasalita. Iniibig ko ang Asya, aking lupang sinilangan, tahanan ng aking mga ninuno. Pinapangako ko na ako ay magiging malusog, masipag, at mapagkumbaba para sa aking Sangkapuluáng Patria. Ako ang anakpawis ng kagitingan, at aking responsibilidad bilang isang Asyano na ipanatili ang pagkakaisa, kalayaan, katarungan at kapantayan ng buong bansa. Ang masa ang tunay na hari, ang masa ang tunay na diyos; ako ang masa at ang masa ay ako. Susunurin ko ang boses ng masa, ng estado, ng paaralan at ng aking mga magulang; sapagkat bilang marami, kami ay iisang bayan.
English: I am an Asian in my thoughts, in my deeds, and in my words. I love Asia, my land of birth, home of my ancestors. I swear that I will be healthy, hardworking, and humble for my Fatherland. I am the labour-child of bravery, and my responsibility as an Asian is to maintain the solidarity, the freedom, the justice, and the equality of the whole nation. The masses are the true Lord, the masses are the true god; I am the masses and the masses are me. I will follow the voice of the masses, of the state, of the school and of my parents; for as many, we are one.
The Pledge of Allegiance of the Pan-Asiatic States is usually recited by citizens in the morning, at work or at school, following the singing of the State Anthem.
In the Pan-Asiatic States, it is not uncommon to live where you work. Many factory owners provide bunk-beds in order to accommodate those with 16-hour shifts.