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15

Kremlin's Dispatch #02 - Prime Minister Adam Y. Dresvyanin - Second Lady Morana M. Dresvyanina



State University of Providenska -- Dresvyanin's workplace and base of operation for nearly fifteen years. Even until now, his desk remains the exact same way it is.

Adam Yanovich Dresvyanin
Адам Янович Дресвянин
Адам Янович Дресвянін

Prime Minister of Zitravgrad
Премьер-министр Зитравграда
Прем'єр-міністр Зітравграда


Full Name:
Asst. Prof. Dr. Adam Yanovich Dresvyanin

Birth date:
16 November 1972 (The Feast Day of St. Yeruslan) (Age 48)

Place of birth:
Syvonik, Tamkatska, Imperial Zitravia

Religion:
Eastern Orthodoxy

Spoken Languages:
Ukrainian (Native)
Russian, French, English (Fluent)

Position(s):
Prime Minister of Zitravgrad
Formerly: Professor of Political Sciences, specialized in International Affairs (until 2016)
Member of Zitravian Branch of Security Council of Kozavian Empire (until 2006)

Marital status:
Married

Spouse:
Maria Mikhailovna Dresvyanina
(Nee Zhamatvanova, Age 48, Married in 2001

Children:
None

>I know this is literally President of Ukraine.
>But I actually based him more upon the character in his show 'Servant of the People'.
>Watch it for dry-ish jokes they are funny.
>They are on YouTube.
>But English subtitles aren't available in every episode.
>He is meant to be Miroslavsky's foil, good man who does not fall for his animalistic nature, and an idealist.
>But also a survivor in every regime, basically can live with anyone, is not well-trusted, but wanted for talent.
>21st century Talleyrand if you will.

Jump to Political Views and Works -- it's politics-roleplaying website, I know what you want! For biography, please go to Biography, which will be divided into parts: Early Life, Postwar Era, Revolution and Civil War, New Era of Zitravia. For more trivial information: Appearance and Health, Education, Personality and Personal Life.

"I have my own colors, I believe any person does to a point, but I will wear any color you offer me. Still, remember, my colors are those of Zitravia itself. I will have six faces if it means Zitravia and I survive. I will disguise my thoughts with words, and not necessarily lies -- that is the only weapon I have." - Adam Yanovich Dresvyanin

Roles


Prime Minister of Zitravgrad

- Since the system of Zitravgradian administration demands that the Premier and the Prime Minister come from different parties, the Verkhovna Rada (Supreme Council) lacks official opposition, but rather relies upon the agreements and disagreements between the two offices. The Western Wing -- the unofficial name for the Prime Minister's office -- is responsible for most of the civil services, leaving the police and the military to the Premier, thus forming a (theoretical) balance of power between them.

- Prime minister is the head of the cabinet and the leader of the ministers in the executive branch of government. It is in his duty to select and may dismiss other members of the cabinet, and allocate posts to members within the government; however, the cabinet must also be approved by the Premier before being confirmed.

- In relations to the Grand Prince, the Prime Minister can veto and investigate the Holy Synod, which doubles as the basis of the Grand Prince's authority, but cannot directly place any order on the aforementioned office except for strong-worded letters.


Biography (Back to the top)

Early Life (Back to the top)

The only son of Yanov Stanislavovych Dresvyanin, a headmaster of the district school in Syvonik, and Anastasiya Hryhorivna Oleksyuk, a housewife who worked on sewing for extra money at home, Adam Yanovich was not born for an extraordinary life, for but academic excellence. Since a very young age, Dresvyanin had a profound interest in social sciences, among them history and geography. Otherwise, he was a cheerful, but introverted personality, preferring to retreat to his own corner and to read and write in peace but did not reject the chances to play with his friends.

Syvonik was, and still is, more or less a sort of rural town. During the time of Dresvyanin's childhood, it was known to be extremely quiet, uneventful and rather backward in comparison to the major cities like Providenska. Dresvyanin recalled years of commodities that were occasionally unavailable, endless fields of wheat, rye, and pasture, and a family of local aristocracy that did not do much administration work.

Under the Imperial Rule, the buffer between the two capitals -- Providenska of Zitravia and Nalzhatgorod of Kozavia -- the eastern part of Zitravia and the western part of Kozavia have always been subjected to slight neglect due to many factors. First of all, these oblasts are very far from the capital, hence requiring much resource and time for the capital to monitor the administration there, often run by noblemen lobbied by corporations or just corrupted altogether. The aforementioned regions of Zitravia often reflected how much the government in Providenska has the grasp on its authority. If these regions were well, it usually meant the efficiency of the imperial capital as well as its own administration.

This did not change much after the Revolution despite attempts of economic initiatives in the eastern regions of Zitravgrad. It has long been a fact that the middle-class and lower-class people have less chance for development than in the capital due to the limits of economic activities in the region, often stuck in the same cycle of heavy industries and agriculture. This leads to the usual exodus of working-age people to regions with more economic opportunities like Providenska or Kasgalamov.

Since in his younger years, he befriended his classmate Maria Mikhailovna Zhamatvanova and the two began dating at the age of sixteen. The two had a bit similar personality -- both were introverts, but friendly and quite optimistic. Once the two finished high school, they would attend the University of Tamkatska, with Dresvyanin studying in International Relations. It was, however, the unstable time in the western front of Zitravia due to the ongoing Imperialists' War. Dresvyanin had his name added into the reserves but had never seen the military confrontation due to the region being quite far from the frontline. With Providenska under siege, the region had to prepare itself for further invasion by the Auestriker forces, but it fortunately never arrived.

By November 1994, all classes were canceled and the students were sent home within the campus as the city became fortified. At the time, the Tamkatska Reserve's duties pretty much involved digging trenches and building wire fences in anticipation of the invading Auestriker forces. However, the enemies never arrived. In the first quarter of 1995, the nuclear strikes occurred in central Zitravia, with the fallout spreading for miles. Now deemed a danger zone, the university was shut down and all students were transferred to other universities. Being in the reserve, Dresvyanin was dangerously close to the fallout zone and fell sick for most of the following years, during which he grew two other arms on his back and went under an operation to amputate them. Distorted and scarred, his mental health also fell drastically and he was soon on the verge of suicide. Nonetheless, half a year of hospitalization seemed to work. Transferred to Svarevna which was another state university in western part of Zitravia, Dresvyanin graduated with a Bachelor's degree in 1996, but barely. He fought constantly against generic thyroid problems, as well as severe pain caused by the surgery and psychological trauma.

Instead of being referred to simply as the Third Global War, the Imperialists' War (1985 - 1995) has been granted a fancy name that reflected its imperialist nature -- it was a war that stemmed from colonial conflicts which soon escalated into a field of opportunities for colonial powers to settle conflicts, whether old or new. The Kozavian Empire and its dominions only joined the war in its latter half, but its initiation of nuclear exchanges escalated the conflicts. As a result, the Empire was hit by 16 nuclear strikes, 3 of them were in Zitravia and 2 more were in Kozavia itself.

Mutations result from errors during DNA replication (especially during meiosis) or other types of damage to DNA (such as may be caused by exposure to radiation or carcinogens), which then may undergo error-prone repair (especially microhomology-mediated end joining), or cause an error during other forms of repair, or else may cause an error during replication (translesion synthesis). Mutations may also result from insertion or deletion of segments of DNA due to mobile genetic elements. Mutations may or may not produce discernible changes in the observable characteristics (phenotype) of an organism. Mutations play a part in both normal and abnormal biological processes including evolution, cancer, and the development of the immune system, including junctional diversity. - Courtesy of LinkWikipedia

After the so-called Nuclear Calamity of 1995, a new type of organism arose -- nuclear mutants. Although there are many stages, classes and levels to the nuclear mutations, two major types of nuclear mutants are sentient and non-sentient. "Sentient nuclear mutants" mostly refer to human nuclear mutants who do not lose the control of their own consciousness and devolve into animalistic or zombified creatures that act on instinct. Although they did survive the ordeal, they often continue to suffer the effects of mutation in the forms of cancer, changes in the immune system and accelerated evolution which might enhance or diminish their sensory abilities.


Postwar Era (Back to the top)

Once he graduated from the University of Svarevna, he was not doing well economically, with Zitravian (and global) economy practically collapsing. He was well-aware that his parents would not be able to support him financially and sought a job, but eventually became a test subject for a private pharmaceutical company named as BLS Corporation. From there, he received a scholarship to continue his Master's and Doctorate in International Relations in Fracia -- what kind of experimentation exactly earned him that much money would still be a secret to this day. During his four years in the country, Dresvyanin had what he called "a revelation that every political sciences student sees when they studied abroad". He was not only entirely cultivated in Fracian or Auropian culture, but also learned the French language and read many political books and articles, where he inherited the ideas of "radical democracy" and "liberty, equality, and fraternity". In the eye of Kozavian ruling elites, Fracia has always been seen as a place of disorder, where protests and revolts happen more often than needed and there are frankly too many freedoms (for them). With such drastic difference between Fracia and Zitravia in mind, Dresvyanin began to feel the political claustrophobia as soon as he returned home.

In the year 2000, Dresvyanin landed on a job as an assistant to a professor of international relations at the State University of Providenska. Although always in need of medication, Dresvyanin strived through the early years of his career with preservance and endurance. If anything, his foreign certificates elevated his chances in the competition against academics from upper-class families who had always been dominant in Zitravian and Kozavian politics. Moreover, the majority of people who studied international relations would find themselves working in the Bureau of Foreign Affairs, while Dresvyanin was not built to be a diplomat, but a theorist and an advisor. During his first year in Providenska, he met Prof. Dr. Konstantin Stepanovich Nedelykov, a mathematician and computer scientist, who was at the moment. Despite the clash of characters, the two men became friends, mostly because they saw each other. It was also in this year that he reunited with Maria Zhamatvanova and the couple married the spring of the year 2001. In this same year, he also joined St. Yeruslan's Sect in Providenska.

What are the differences between Zitravian Christians and pagans? The answer might be more complicated than one might think. St. Yeruslan's Sect is a nationalist approach to religion for many Zitravians, founded with the hope of stopping the eternal conflicts between the Orthodox Christians and the Slavic pagans. It doesn't matter whether one would see St. Yeruslan as a Christian patron saint anointed by God, or a pagan god surrounded by myths and legends -- he is the sole Providence of the nation.

The rituals in the sect are unique, with a touch from both sides. Prayers, blessings, sacrifices -- all of its members are sworn in as brothers and sisters under the watchful eye of the national saint. Such is the reason why the sect became a gathering for nationalists.

Despite being young and inexperienced, Dresvyanin made up with his intelligence and wide range of semi-practical knowledge, as well as his willingness to do whatever required of him. His essays on Kozavian foreign policies eventually were read in the Zitravian Kremlin itself, and he soon received an appointment to become a foreign policy advisor to the Governor-General of Imperial Zitravia. The real problem here was how much power Dresvyanin actually yielded since Zitravia could not conduct many of its own foreign policies, with the state still being part of the Kozavian Empire. The most Zitravia could decide for itself was how to approach the sovereign states that shared borders with it. Nonetheless, it became a source of political experiences for Dresvyanin.

Now in the center of Zitravian politics and near the top of the administration, Dresvyanin was in charge of giving advice on the current international situations. Through his authority, Dresvyanin discovered from the secret agents that a game was being played, with Zitravia as their board. Their eastern neighbor, the Communist Pact of Serezslavia, was responsible for spreading communist thoughts in the country. Although in support of free thoughts, Dresvyanin had to duly report it to the Council. Shortly after, he realized that his own lectures, among those of other professors, were being attended by secret police under the disguise of normal students. The political claustrophobia was again squeezing him.

With a low whisper and a light tap on the shoulders, he confronted Nedelykov -- a member of the Secret Service and a high-ranking nobleman who seemed to know everything in the Kremlin that Dresvyanin did not already know -- about how his lectures had been under tight watch. Nedelykov only replied in lower whispers that he had something to tell him: "Do not fall asleep in an opera house." Soon enough, Dresvyanin would realize what it meant.

Coming into his picture of Zitravian internal strifes were Mayor of Providenska, Lavrentiy Yurievich Kholmatzhonov and Jurisprudence Advisor Vladimir Petrovich Miroslavsky. Little did Dresvyanin know that Miroslavsky's grandson would later sit in the Kremlin himself, but from a very different situation. While Dresvyanin admitted outright that Kholmatzhonov "annoyed" him, it was through Kholmatzhonov that he realized that Grand Prince of Zitravia was still a thing. Much like other clueless subjects of the Kozavian Empire, he sometimes failed to realize that the Yaroslav was still at least existent. Now knowing of the Mayor's dubious loyalty, he had all the rights to suspect the Mayor of foul plays when the attempt on the Governor-General's life happened at the start of 2005. He knew it was politically-driven and men who could possibly arrange it had to be men in the inner circles of the Kremlin.

The very last Governor-General of Imperial Zitravia before the storming of the Kremlin was Casmar Kirillovich Deryzsky, who was proven unpopular with the common people but tolerated by the aristocracy whom he tried hard to appease. In January 2005, the Governor-General was shot in the back by an unknown assassin (later revealed to be a hired hitman rather than a politically-driven killer) while in an opera house. Among the suspects were the Cossack Guards, which was, at the time, led by Colonel Oleksander Kyrycenko, who had a tumultuous relationship with the Governor-General.

Now he knew that Nedelykov knew, and he was half-sure that so did Kholmatzhonov, about the assassination plot. Ironically, Deryzsky would never suspect these two noblemen whose families he believed benefited from the old system. Dresvyanin did not just stay awake in the opera house, he was wide-eyed and anxious, and he was going to know more than it was good for him.

His personal life during that time was not perfect but was peaceful for what it was worth, in a city of strife. The only bad news he had during the time was the fact that he and his wife could not have children by any means (and would be forbidden from doing so if they were capable). Moreover, Dresvyanin was now afraid of being purged by political police set up by the Kozavian Imperial Bureau, especially when the far-left collaborator who was his colleague disappeared without traces early in 2006. The mental battle between Dresvyanin and Nedelykov went too far and the two had decided that they had outlived each other's usefulness. Nedelykov knew that changes could only come through the use of military means, while Dresvyanin was praying that the last straw between the Zitravian and the Kozavian authority would not arrive too soon. Dresvyanin tried to reason with Nedelykov that the internal strifes were merely a phase for Zitravia to adapt -- he did not believe in the Revolution, not until he realized that he helped to bring it to Zitravia the moment he joined the security council, and his decision to leave it would start a fire that eventually burned the Kremlin down from the inside.

"Now, look at Nedelykov in the eyes and tell me you do not get the feeling I got -- he will leave you the moment you outlive your usefulness. But I am meant to be the radical one here, my friend. He will also outlive his usefulness to me. But one difference is that I will remember him well forever. A sophisticated man, a dangerous mind and a man you will follow until you die if you are not careful." - Dresvyanin's opinion of Nedelykov

Dresvyanin did not quite realize he was that popular with the people as the advisor in the Kremlin, but he was -- he was a commoner and a pure civilian in the ivory tower of aristocrats and former military men. The student protests were the test of his loyalty. In the summer of 2006 (when there was mostly no class), many student activists in Providenska gathered to protest the current political situations in Zitravia. Despite all efforts, the Empire failed to control its youth and Dresvyanin was not much than a broken gear in the clockwork of Kozavian education system, created and designed to preserve the Empire's future through "tradition and discipline". Still, he feared for the lives of the students, knowing that the authority would not be easy on any form of protest. He approached the students he knew from his own classes and asked them to stop and go home. During a clash between the law enforcement and the protestors, Dresvyanin was shot twice in the back and one of his students was killed by the tear gas grenade.

Student protests in Zitravia before the Revolution would start mostly in 2006 and continued until 2007. Although brushed off as "trivial affairs" by the administration, the law enforcement of Zitravia was uneasy when ordered to suppress such activities. Most of the activities were in Providenska, but there had also been several instances of students protesting their local authorities. Nonetheless, Providenska's student protests would be one of the most violent chains of events in Zitravia that helped to ignite the Revolution. Still, it was not the success of the protests that helped -- it was the reactions to the protests, especially when one of the students was shot by the police. The protests mostly dispersed thanks to the growing military presence in Zitravia and the arrest of several collaborators.


Revolution and Civil War (Back to the top)

Dresvyanin was no longer interested in being a part of the Kozavian clockwork. He surrendered himself to the hospital bed and his own peers soon found themselves in a position that they had to collaborate with any side of the "Revolutionaries" in order to not be purged by the Kozavian authority -- it seemed (mostly to Dresvyanin) almost as if the far-right had a total control of their situation thanks to their infiltration into the government, law enforcement, and military. Dresvyanin returned to his normal lecture activities under the watchful eyes of the secret police, who ironically were being shaken around by its leaders who had more or less joined the ride into the revolutionary sentiments.

The world was round. Among the first people who visited him the hospital was Dr. Nedelykov, who bore no good news ahead but at least had some goodwill left. Nedelykov's sabotage on the Kremlin would be ready in August 2007 and Dresvyanin had to choose between facing the consequences or escaping abroad. Nedelykov explained to him in full about the plans for Vice-Admiral Yermirov's sailors to storm the Kremlin and the occupation of all military settlements in Zitravia, as well as the general disorder that should follow. Dresvyanin answered that he would stay in the country, although he could not give his full cooperation to Nedelykov. He reminded Nedelykov that he was not going to run just yet, but if he needed it, he had one more direction to run -- the east.

Even the fascists had two sides inside them... Led by Vice Admiral Nikolai Stepanovich Yermirov, the republican fascists were in support of a fascist republic run by a regime of military officers, free from the influence of a monarchy. It had its own struggles before forming into a small, but crucial faction filled with top brass of the Armed Forces in the early 2000s, with its heart in the Zitravian Navy. Meanwhile, Dr. Konstantin Stepanovich Nedelykov was more of an aristocrat who wished to preserve the shape and form of the Zitravian ruling class -- the old elites. He rooted for the return of the pre-Kozavian monarchy. the Yaroslav dynasty. Although both were covered with the blanket term of "fascism" thanks to their far-right stances, they were drastically different and not even the brotherly bond would hold Nedelykov and Yermirov together to the end.

Nicknamed "Warlord of the East", Brigadier General Leonid Ilyanovich Kolkaz recruited several militiamen mostly from farmers and workers under the "nationalist" banner but stood independent from other right-wing faction. In fact, he was in the far-left, and thus his political party was far from welcomed by the Provisional Government who were keen to protect private properties, which were what they saw as fundamental rights of man. He was not loyal or subordinate to Dresvyanin in any sense, but both men respected each other due to similar rural backgrounds and collaborated in several issues before Dresvyanin left the Provisional Government at the dawn of the Civil War. However, Kolkaz surrendered his militia troops to Miroslavsky when the latter's (professionally trained) Army of the East approached with an ultimatum: "Join us or End as the Fascists". The Communist Party remains illegal in Zitravgrad today, and its former leader has been sent to live in utter obscurity as a commander of some army outpost no one knows or cares.


Speaking in the Provisional Government

"The Provisional Government was destined to fall but was useful while it lasted. More useful than any provisional government in history, which was surprising given its fragile structure. It's like a paper model with no glue." - Dresvyanin's comment on the Provisional Government

The meeting between faction leaders were called in September 2007, by Baron Kholmatzhonov. Despite his excellent mediator skill, he followed an ideology that was the least popular among the radicals -- a simple constitutional monarchy under Grand Prince Yaroslav. (To be perfectly fair, most people did not realize or care the position of Grand Prince was still a thing after centuries of having the Kozavian Imperator as their only monarch.) Nonetheless, he was able to convince all sides to gather the troops in time before the Zitravian War of Independence officially began on exactly the same day. Dresvyanin arrived into the scene with his faction considered minor, more or less an extension of the right-wing movement. Nonetheless, he was asked to assume the role akin to his former position to the Security Council, perhaps in anticipation of Zitravia having its own foreign policies. Dresvyanin had low opinions of the Provisional Government, especially with Kholmatzhonov as its leader. Nonetheless, he managed to secure foreign covert cooperations, mostly from the enemies of the Kozavian Empire.

In May 2008, the Kozavian Empire accepted their "inability to win" against the Zitravian forces and a treaty was signed between the delegates of the Empire and the new fledging nation which had not even decided what it was going to be. Again and again, Kholmatzhonov realized that there was no way the new nation would survive if all factions remained intact, but he was far from being the only man who realized it. The Communist Party was soon declared invalid due to its radical proposals, one of the factors leading to the Civil War as Kholmatzhonov severely underestimated the Party's influence in the eastern regions. Meanwhile, the rift between right-wing factions deepened over the role of Grand Prince Yaroslav. With his faction having virtually no troop, Dresvyanin left the scene and went into inactivity (until its comeback in 2010), while Miroslavsky and Yermirov struggled to work together anymore. The Internal Ceasefire (28 November 2008 - 16 December 2008) was a period in which nothing happened on the outside, but the Provisional Government was internally on the verge of collapse while it was working to preserve itself. The Collaborators' Civil War broke soon after its collapse. Most notably, it was Miroslavsky himself who broke the ceasefire.

Having left the scene with a rather disgraceful move, Dresvyanin headed back to his childhood home in Tamkatska and entered a hiatus in political activities as well as his career, largely due to medical needs as well as sheer embarrassment of not being able to maintain his stance. However, his wife did much to console him that all would be well... if one did not consider the upcoming Civil War. He would have come to a conclusion that he might not have a place in post-revolution Zitravia and surrendered to the role of a failed reformer if it was not for Kolkaz's encouragement.

Dresvyanin had never officially supported Kolkaz and vice versa, but their personal relationship was strong enough for Kolkaz to pledge protection of Dresvyanin and his family. Having never experienced war, he decided to see the state of nature that had defined milleniums of history by accompanying Kolkaz's troops despite his wife's protest (but he did not come too close to combat). Once Kolkaz surrendered to Miroslavsky's troops, Dresvyanin narrowly evaded capture and returned home with a new relevation -- he would fight for what he believed in, and maybe slightly in Kolkaz's stead.


New Era of Zitravia (Back to the top)

The year 2009 arrived with yet another realization that dawned on Dresvyanin. By leaving the far-right before the Civil War, his own faction was clean. He returned to Providenska to continue his academic career as well as his political movement. The new government barely noticed his presence until he presented himself as a critic of the nation's politics as well the promise to democratize Zitravgrad -- after all, the Workers' Party is a social democratic party. Right from the first moment of the Workers' Party's rule, he could not and likely would not relate to them and their ideology in any way, and benefited from the breakage between the technocrats and other members in the party. He soon returned to the political scene, gathering what's left of his old team and studied from his rivals. His decisive tactic was public relations, aiming to appeal to the public with the idea of 'national identity' that includes everyone.

One of Kazimir Ivanovich's greatest critics live in his house -- Feodora Alexandrovna has always been a living symbol of Auestriker technocrats against other technocratic factions (i.e. Dresvyanin, Nedelykov, Pashkov, the Auestriker Naukograd). Auestriker technocrats have always been a special breed of technocrats in Zitravia, usually seen as a closed community of German-speaking educated upper-middle-class people who immigrated into the eastern nation to "modernize" it, but ended up making the knowledge they brought impenetrable and esoteric. They are westernized, disciplined, and more free-thinking than the Zitravian counterpart. Thus, they are the first to oppose all forms of censorship and restriction that will block their "path to progress".

Most of the details surrounding this affair are private, but what is known of it involves a secret communication between Feodora Alexandrovna herself and a military intelligence officer, both of whom used to be associates of Dr. Konstantin Stepanovich Nedelykov in one way or another. The official report had it that the ZKVD suspected several right-leaning technocrats (among them the First Lady herself of all people, and the future Prime Minister Adam Yanovich Dresvyanin) of being co-conspirators of Dr. Nedelykov and the far-right movements before and during the Revolution. This suspicion was reinforced by the fact that both Miroslavskaya and Dresvyanin hold a copy of Paradox software. However, Dresvyanin's former presence and resignation from the Provisional Government prove him innocent. Miroslavskaya is nowhere near that fortunate. Her father gave Nedelykov himself a refuge in his house before the latter tried to cross the borders illegally and she was one of the last people who were in touch with Nedelykov. The ZKVD sent a warning that they had to imprison her for treason if there is still no evidence of her innocence. Without other choices at hand (and perhaps still feeling betrayed), Miroslavsky allowed the charge to be placed on his wife along with a few others. Two months later, the further investigation from the ZKVD proved that most of the contacts surrounding Nedelykov had been non-political and the families of the convicted technocrats appealed for a release. Unfortunately, the misunderstanding had taken place and the damage had been done. The technocrats generally loyal to Miroslavsky soon shifted themselves away to their only choice of the time -- Dresvyanin and the United Front.

Dresvyanin was by his own definition a "right-wing technocrat" but was willing to hear from any side. As the promised election campaign was arriving in 2016, he had to gather his votes where his kind of people was -- in the academia, the free-thinking, and the moderate right. He promoted freedom of press and reduction of bureaucracy in the education system, as well as a freer market in Zitravgrad. While not a large base, the technocrats would become a formidable force for him in the Rada once he was elected. This set the trend for his political career. He has his hands on the nation's future through upbringing and education.

If anything, Dresvyanin approved of the reconstitution of the Zitravgradian monarchy but it is uncertain whether he prefers constitutional monarchy or crowned republic -- but it does seem that he is fine with what he is given. As the Prime Minister, he and the Premier mostly sought the Ministers from their own factions, thus leading to the clear line between "the Premier's wing" and "the Prime Minister's wing". While not exactly reduced to infighting, both men know better than to let each other has too much upper hand.

Constitutional Change (November - December 2016): The Constitutional Change came before the election, but continued for a while even after Miroslavsky and Dresvyanin were elected. Dresvyanin himself had no qualm of how elected representation was implemented, although he appeared slightly skeptical of how the Premier and the Prime Minister would be chosen from different parties, as well as the lack of opposition usually present in parliamentary democracy. Moreover, he was rather quiet when Grand Prince Viktor left his obscure parish to make an appearance in Providenska while there were already fixed positions of the heads of state and government without him. He was prepared for everything except this question that had already broken several factions during the Civil War, and readily agreed to recognize the Grand Prince but also limited his constitutional rights and duties.

2017 Basdon Conflict (April 2017 - February 2019): In April 2017, the unmarked troops marched into the southeastern region of Basdon and later took over the Regional Rada after a remarkably passive fight, then declared Basdon an autonomous region under the name of the People's Republic of Basdon. However, Dresvyanin was more passive in his reaction and preferred to contain the situation without being too aggressive. He knew more or less aware where Miroslavsky had been during the Revolution, and after it -- the Global Court, for potential war crimes -- and did not want to bring it up to public eye again. However, he was also aware it was a conspiracy by the Kozavian Empire and sought to condemn the Empire internationally, with dubious success.


Appearance and Health (Back to the top)

Mr. Dresvyanin is about average in height, with brown hair and blue-purple eyes. He might seem to be slouching slightly when he is not careful due to the amputation of his third and fourth arms which unfortunately were on his back, behind the shoulders. (It actually hurts him to stretch upright for a long time.) While not imposing in appearance, Dresvyanin is in fact physically tougher than he seems. With enhanced survival instinct, he feels almost no pain, can see in the dark and hear the sound with a wider range of frequency than most humans. (The latter seems to annoy him more than helping him.) Mentally, he is usually friendly, with a sense of humor might devolve into gallow humor at times, which is an improvement after years of therapy.

Almost constantly, Dresvyanin complains of trivial aches and sores while ironically does not open up when he actually feels more critical and medically dangerous ones. However, he has a fairly healthy sleeping habit and usually avoids caffeine. This is importance because his body reacts strongly to being too energized or too exhausted. Categorized by behavior, Dresvyanin is considered a Provocateur-type mutant. This type of mutant only reacts when provoked, cornered or disturbed. He does not generally attack on impulse either, which makes him very passive for mutants. However, passive Provocateurs are capable of some communication with fellow mutants, regardless of consciousness. This is essential in Dresvyanin's political representation of the "Nuclear Generation". In his opinion, mutants do not need excessive pity or consolation, but rather acceptance that they can rejoin the society as normal beings.

Personal Health Evaluation

What is it about?

Gender

Male

Age

48

Orientation

Heteroromantic Asexual (Infertile)

Sub-Species

Sentient Nuclear Mutant

Height

177 cm (Below Average)

Weight

75 kg (In Range for Healthy Weight)

Hair Color

Brown

Eye Color

Purple

Blood Type

HS (Donate only to HS/HST)

Hand Dexterity

Right-Handed

Physical Health Quotient (PHQ-I)

Beta (Above Average Physique and Immunity)

Intellectual Intuition Quotient (IIQ)

Beta (Above Average Learning and Memory Capacity)

Psychological Health Quotient (PHQ-II)

Beta (Above Average Psychological Health)


Education (Back to the top)

Dresvyanin's education was in a straight line -- his Bachelor's, Master's and Doctorate are all in International Relations. His side interests are other branches of political sciences and history, although lately he would busy himself with writing rather than reading. A master of national security, he is also interested in military affairs and border issues. Being an easterner, he speaks Ukrainian as his first language then later got educated in Russian. He also speaks English and French, although he prefers French.

He did rather poorly in science and mathematics in school, and was not extremely attentive to things like arts or religious topics.


Personality and Personal Life (Back to the top)

"He is overall pleasant, homely and friendly, although I advise that you get on Dresvyanin's right side or he will slowly spiral down into what he actually is -- a continuous existence of pain, doubt, and sorrow." - Kazimir Ivanovich Miroslavsky's comment on his colleague

Always greeting and answering people with a smile, Dresvyanin seems like a man who has gotten over the storms that crashed onto him. Clever, witty and charismatic, he easily befriends people around him and actively tries to remain pleasant even with those he despises or distrusts. Although he appears extroverted, he still needs some personal time and space to reflect on his own existence. In his career as an educator, Dresvyanin is known for giving casual and witty lectures as well as maintaining a good, caring relationship with his students.

His personal life is, in his own words, extremely uneventful. He and his wife have no children and never plans to adopt. Instead, they adopted several cats and pretty much had their lives outside work and politics revolve around their cats. Dresvyanin enjoys indoor activities more (due to medical reasons) and prefers a slow day-off. His family now lives with him in Providenska, also due to medical reasons and age. Dresvyanin often presents himself as casual and approachable. He is mostly known for petting random cats in the streets and greeting people -- a far cry from Miroslavsky's strongman image. He usually drives by himself and tries to cover his personal life from being monitored.

However, he has an excellent understanding of intrigues and cloak-and-dagger affairs. He prefers to show the most favorable face to everyone, but what he thinks of them in his conspiracy schemes might be another thing entirely. He could, just as much as his colleague Miroslavsky, backstab, undermine, and deceive people -- the only difference is that he will only do it for his survival rather than betterment or because he wants to. To these days, he still has a lingering regret of walking over certain people to be where he is now.

Trivia

    - Dresvyanin rarely leans on anything for a long time, nor does he stand or sit upright. He is eternally cursed with what he understands as a faint feeling of backache, but it is in fact a phantom limb. (The kind of feeling that an amputee sometimes feels -- a feeling as if the amputated limb is still connected to the body.)

    - If ever needed, he can defend himself with bare hands but it requires a lot of trauma-triggering to kick in his survival instinct. Thus why he hates air raid siren with passion.

    - He will smoke if invited but generally does not do it when he is alone or with his cats.


Political Views and Works

Even as a "commoner" in the old system, Dresvyanin has the right to consider himself a purer Zitravian than most, but he prefers Zitravgradian nationality to be civic rather than ethnic. Racial politics has no place in his politics -- his definition of Zitravgrad is more focused on cultural, historical and linguistic politics, as well as modern nation-state borders. He takes a particular amount of interest over how the Revolution -- namely the War of Independence and the Civil War -- are depicted in history both at home and abroad, knowing that it has an importance in Zitravgrad's future existence. Moreover, he strives for Zitravgrad to have a clearly separated culture from Kozavia, starting from speaking Ukrainian among other things. Despite considering himself a technocrat, he actually has a fair understanding of common people and takes into accounts the opinions. He also understands that the overly uptight bureaucracy of Zitravgrad is a form of control that needs to be relaxed. This also backfires when he needs to place a strongly-worded or exceptionally harsh order.


Dresvyanin in a state meeting

Generally, he is a more liberal figure than Miroslavsky himself, but he is also the one slightly more keen on keeping Zitravian tradition and freedom of religion alive -- he is the one watching over the Holy Synod, after all. His economic idea is usually interpreted as classic capitalism, although he is in support of public education and healthcare. Now, it is not to say that Dresvyanin is manipulative by instinct - he has always tried to be clean and honest and not to make too many enemies, as much as he is capable of in the enigmatic political atmosphere of the Kremlin. But even him, of all people, knows the importance of game theory. Dresvyanin is highly aware and also quite capable of playing with public relations and factions, even though he sometimes misses the point and fails to see that his rivals are not necessarily thinking with much complexity as he does.

Dresvyanin is the type of leader that works closely to his team and carries them, trying to understand his staffs and partners all alike and using their strong points. But this might sometimes result in him having to do most of the jobs himself when he makes a mistake of underestimating the teammates. Within his party, he is considered not the most senior member, but rather the most experienced man in the revolutionary games. In his public images, he appeals to young people with the casual, friendly image but also has the more serious "nationalist" approach that appeals to people of rural areas where he came from.

A technocrat, and a crafty one at that game, Dresvyanin could be guilty of "giving his students biased opinions" in his former education career. In his own words, it is necessary "to raise nationalists since they are young" and "to make the kind of politicians you want at school". Dresvyanin's style of teaching might be far from indoctrination, but one cannot deny his ability to influence learning minds under his authority. Several of Dresvyanin's former pupils work for him either in his government or his political party.


Morana Mikhailovna Dresvyanina
Морана Михайловна Дресвянина
Морана Михайлівна Дресвяніна

Second Lady of Zitravgrad
Вторая леди Зитравграда
Друга леді Зітравградська


Original Source Linkhere


Full Name:
Dr. Morana Mikhailovna Dresvyanina

Birth date:
9 December 1972 (Age 48)

Place of birth:
Syvonik, Tamkatska, Imperial Zitravia

Religion:
Eastern Orthodoxy

Spoken Languages:
Ukrainian (Native)
Russian, English (Fluent)

Position(s):
Second Lady of Zitravgrad
Surgeon at Providenska State Hospital
Member of Zitravgradian White Cross
Formerly: House officer at St. Olga Hospital

Marital status:
Married

Spouse:
Adam Yanovich Dresvyanin
(Age 48, Married in 2001)

Children:
None

>Yeah she is the guy's actual wife.
>I rarely write female characters help me.
>No really I don't know how to write women.
>Yes, I am a woman.
>She does not have a lot of role to play but her backstory is cool to write.
>But she is meant to be her husband's folie a deux.

Jump to Political Views and Works -- it's politics-roleplaying website, I know what you want! For biography, please go to Biography, which will be divided into parts: Early Life, Postwar Era, Revolution and Civil War, New Era of Zitravia. For more trivial information: Appearance and Health, Education, Personality and Personal Life.

"My politics is not written in stone, and likely will never be. I am not serving the nation as a spouse of a politician – as one of the most dedicated medical practitioners of Zitravia, I should be respected as myself." - Adam Yanovich Dresvyanin

Roles


Second Lady of Zitravgrad

- Much like the First Lady, there is no constitutional role for the Second Lady, but there are roles of social model, promoter of national causes, and hostess of the Kremlin -- all of which she attends, but rather superficially. If anything, she is expected to do less than the First Lady is, or for both of them to work together in important events. Neither woman is keen on this, with both having their own careers -- and this is how they get along.

- However, the Second Lady elects to promote the causes that are related to her career -- healthcare, science, (medical) education, and public charity. She cuts a more relatable and charitable figure to the public, despite being utterly uninvolved and unconcerned with her husband's political activities.


Biography (Back to the top)

Early Life (Back to the top)

Born Morana Mikhailovna Zhamatvanova, Morana is a daughter of a well-respected doctor Dr. Mikhail Filipovich Zhamatvanov and Sasha Pavlova Zyrynzanovak, an illegitimate daughter of a nobleman . Curiously, Morana was named after the Slavic goddess of death by a doctor, but it was not an indicator of anything more ominous than her father's obsession with folklore. While the only child, Morana has been close to her cousin (a daughter of her paternal aunt), named Maria. The two girls got along well as they grew up alongside each other, all the while Morana had virtually no clue about her mother’s side of the family. They had indeed disowned her, for both being illegitimate and again for marrying a poor doctor who was also a pagan. As a young girl, she attended the Syvonik district school and met Adam Yanovich Dresvyanin and later Vayazin Pavlovich Zyrynzanovak. Morana soon started dating Dresvyanin and the two befriended Zyrynzanovak, who turned out to be Morana’s cousin.

Although gone for centuries, paganism has its roots too deep into Zitravian culture to deny. It is also not a coincidence that many of Zitravian local patron saints and old Zitravian pagan gods happened to overlap, i.e. St. Yeruslan of Zitravia and Yeruslan the Wise, St. Morana of Tamkatska and Morana the Goddess of Death. In defiance of the Kozavian Empire’s heavy bias for the Orthodox Church, some of Zitravian scholars protest by joining the so-called “New Wave” or revival of Slavic paganism, starting in 1920s. However, they soon devolved into cult-like organizations that worshipped the local gods but in the darker interpretations. It has a reputation that is comparable to Satanists in the eye of the devout Orthodox population.

The complications of being an illegitimate child never stopped haunting Morana’s mother, and neither did her father’s pagan beliefs. The Zhamatvanov was treated with disdain by the more religious members of their community. Morana had always felt somewhat like an outcast, especially after her cousin (Vayazin Zyrynzanovak) was being forbidden from associating with her. Once she finished high school, she followed her father’s footsteps and applied for medical education in the University of Tamkatska. Her education (as well as pretty much everything in Zitravia) was then interrupted by the start of Zitravian front in the Imperialists' War. Once the evacuation began at the university after the nuclear strikes in early 1995, she was sent along with other medical students to assist with the emergency units.

Instead of being referred to simply as the Third Global War, the Imperialists' War (1985 - 1995) has been granted a fancy name that reflected its imperialist nature -- it was a war that stemmed from colonial conflicts which soon escalated into a field of opportunities for colonial powers to settle conflicts, whether old or new. The Kozavian Empire and its dominions only joined the war in its latter half, but its initiation of nuclear exchanges escalated the conflicts. As a result, the Empire was hit by 16 nuclear strikes, 3 of them were in Zitravia and 2 more were in Kozavia itself.


Postwar Era (Back to the top)

Once the University of Tamkatska was closed down due to being too close to the newly-formed “Wasteland Authority Zones”, she was sent to continue her education in Svarevna. Finding herself in the prosperous western oblast, she began to question the inequality between her home and her new place. Once she graduated from the University of Svarevna, she continued her studies in the medical field and had to work part-time to cover some costs. She earned her doctorate in 1999, with some difficulties along the way. Submerged in the everlasting cycle of work and study, Zhamavanova was reasonably exhausted but finally found relief once she became a house officer in the year 2000 and reunited with her highschool boyfriend who had finished his education abroad. After reuniting, the two moved into Providenska, where Morana would be even more dazzled by the differences between the life in the capital and her old rural hometown, but she would also become exhausted from the fast city life.

Perhaps Morana was too tired from her own professional life to understand what was going on in Dresvyanin’s professional life, and vice versa. While a loving and understanding couple, almost a folie a deux, she failed to notice just how politically involved Dresvyanin was beyond his academic career. She also failed to suspect his friend, Prof. Dr. Konstantin Stepanovich Nedelykov, of anything more sinister than being a rather cunning mathematician. Nonetheless, Nedelykov introduced Morana to the Zitravian White Cross, a charity backed largely by the aristocracy, where she could work for extra incomes. Morana was by no means talented, but resilient and hard-working – the extra work was needed so that she had money to help her father who was diagnosed with cancer from exposure to radiation. In the spring of 2001, however, her father recovered and was able to walk her up the aisle when she married Dresvyanin, notably in a courthouse since the Zhamatvanov were pagans.


Morana Mikhailovna
in the year 2000
Original Source Linkhere

White Cross International is the humanitarian movement with 25 million volunteers all over the world, and has the tendency of being funded by the upper-class in certain countries. In Zitravia, before the Revolution, it was considered a rite of passage by aristocratic women to volunteer in the White Cross during highschool or university. However, during the period of the Revolution, the organization was financed by the bourgeoisie instead as many aristocrats were targets of the Revolution. The White Cross, as it is called, consists of a group of middle-class or elite members of the society. Even in today Zitravgrad, women are often represented in the organization as volunteers but this idea was never actually enforced and was only an idea created by society in general.

In the year 2002, Dresvyanin entered his official political career as a foreign policy advisor to the Kremlin. However, it was inevitable that the capital city was becoming a stage for the upcoming political upheavals. At the same time, it was also clear that at the heart of the unrest was something far more significant than economic woes. With both the authorities and the opposition having already been swept up in the events, the country was already on the edge of being plunged into yet another political storm. However, it was the first time since the 1950s that the city had witnessed such widespread unrest, with people acting at any time and with any means. Morana soon discovered a fact virtually unknown outside the medical sector – the rising rate of medical practitioners resigning, committing suicide or collaborating with organ dealers in black markets for survival.

“Broken Caduceus” is the name of the article (divided in three parts) published by Dr. Saraya Kirillovna Kuryshkina in 2005. It shines the light on the rarely-known issues in the medical sector in Zitravia – murders, suicides, corruption and oppression. The book details the causes and consequences of those crimes and how a new approach to medical and psychotherapy is needed. Dr. Kuryshkina points out that not only are criminals rarely apprehended, but that those implicated often escape from justice through elaborate schemes that mask their true intentions. Some individuals were convicted for acts that were considered to be medical and psychotherapy, others for acts that were considered to be religious or political. She also talks about how this information is difficult to obtain for medical personnel and psychiatrists who are under the control of authorities. This is just one of the many topics that are included in the article. But the most controversial point remains – doctors are humans as well and they were being overworked, underpaid and depressed under the Imperial Rule that kept cutting costs at the expense of the medical staffs.

The author also explains how doctors' lives and personal money were affected with the demands of society, the need to take out lucrative loans to provide treatment for their patients or even to pay for their rent. This book shows the way that health care needs and the need to support patients cannot be separated. The author also discusses the difficulties of medical school graduates in terms of the stress and strains they face; how to become a physician, their work and the difficulties in getting medical school degrees. The book was later, however, used more as a justification to remove the Imperial Rule and a point of argument whether a nation should fully privatize or nationalize their healthcare.

Morana herself was not suffering from any problem, but she took a rather wrong turn by applying for a research program run by the Secret Service under Dr. Sergey Petrovich Pashkov, thinking it would be mundane tasks she had seen in the hospital. The truth was far from what she thought, and she soon had to be involved with several less-than-ethical medical experiments, some of them involving uninformed patients. Most notably, she was also one of the people responsible for bringing the body of a nineteen years old girl named Vira Dyachuk back to life after being "dead" for nearly five days. This case is considered one of the "Necrosi Engineered Human" experiments. Dyachuk turned out perfectly normal for the most part, much to her relief. Information about other experiments remains classified.

"Once you are in the Secret Service, you do not just walk out. Dr. Pashkov is however rather understanding. If I grow too pale, he will tell me to leave. But that man himself? He just works, never asks, and never tells." - Dresvyanina’s opinion of the Imperial Rule

She also had to learn that her husband’s seemingly high position had no real authority to it – not because of the man himself but because the Zitravian government was on the brink of collapse. The couple also had the misfortune to be present in the opera house where the assassination attempt on the Governor-General took place. It was an obviously well-arranged ploy that couldn’t be done by lower-class revolutionaries given the tight security and the fact that no one should be that aware of the Governor-General’s schedule.

The very last Governor-General of Imperial Zitravia before the storming of the Kremlin was Casmar Kirillovich Deryzsky, who was proven unpopular with the common people but tolerated by the aristocracy whom he tried hard to appease. In January 2005, the Governor-General was shot in the back by an unknown assassin (later revealed to be a hired hitman rather than a politically-driven killer) while in an opera house. Among the suspects were the Cossack Guards, which was, at the time, led by Colonel Oleksander Kyrycenko, who had a tumultuous relationship with the Governor-General.

Morana’s next concern was her husband’s safety. He was in a fairly high position in the dysfunctional government but still teaching political sciences in the University of Providenska – the juxtaposition that placed him under the eyes of the enemies of the government and the government itself simultaneously. She was understandably horrified when she heard about the shootings in the student protests in 2006 and urged him to stay away from politics for the first time ever. In fact, she was so nervous that she was not allowed to operate in his surgery and replaced by one of her colleagues. On her side of events, she would also see many medical staffs and students going for protest over the conditions of the medical sectors and the poor funding of public hospitals.

Student protests in Zitravia before the Revolution would start mostly in 2006 and continued until 2007. Although brushed off as "trivial affairs" by the administration, the law enforcement of Zitravia was uneasy when ordered to suppress such activities. Most of the activities were in Providenska, but there had also been several instances of students protesting their local authorities. Nonetheless, Providenska's student protests would be one of the most violent chains of events in Zitravia that helped to ignite the Revolution. Still, it was not the success of the protests that helped -- it was the reactions to the protests, especially when one of the students was shot by the police. The protests mostly dispersed thanks to the growing military presence in Zitravia and the arrest of several collaborators.


Revolution and Civil War (Back to the top)

She was not sure what was coming up, at all. The social upheaval was beyond raging in 2006 and metaphorical cards of political conspiracies were being played. Dresvyanin was a minor card in Dr. Nedelykov’s hands but Dresvyanin had the forbidden knowledge in his hands – the Governor-General was surrounded by traitors and Nedelykov was among them. The two men kept each other’s secrets and went on their own paths. But Morana would then discover Nadezhda Stepanova Kholmatzhonova (for clarification, the wife of Baron Kholmatzhonov) was writing false news about Dresvyanin’s injuries, branding him as a supporter of a protest he was trying to stop. Kholmatzhonova was a chief editor in the Providenska’s Herald and a wife to the Mayor of Providenska Lavrentiy Yurievich Kholmatzhonov and a younger sister of Nedelykov himself. In other words, she was her husband’s propaganda machine and her brother’s cover-up.

Morana confronted Kholmatzhonova herself and the two had “quite” an argument. Nadezhda was meant to negatively affect the public opinion towards the government by writing Dresvyanin off as a supporter of the student protests instead of a former member in the government who tried to peacefully stop it. She was looking to incite a revolution – one that her husband would exploit in order to reinstall the pre-Kozavian dynasty of Yaroslav. Morana backtracked -- this matter was too complicated for her to react with reason and she was apprehended by the Providenska Capital Guards (personal bodyguards of the Mayor, hired mercenaries rather than provided by the state).

The meeting between faction leaders were called in September 2007, by Baron Kholmatzhonov, in time before the Zitravian War of Independence officially began. At the time, Morana was at least present with her husband, being concerned of his safety and reputation and knowing that the propaganda machine was still working in the form of Nadezhda Kholmatzhonova. Still, newspapers alone couldn’t save the Provisional Government from falling apart and Kholmatzhonov was far from infallible. Once the Civil War started, his grand plan collapsed. But so did Dresvyanin’s plan, even if not as grand. At Morana’s request, Dresvyanin agreed to move back to their childhood town of Syvonik temporarily, but she could not prevent him from joining Leonid Kolkaz in the final campaign in the Civil War.


God knows who she voted for in December 2018
Original Source Linkhere


New Era of Zitravia (Back to the top)

The couple returned to Providenska once things cleared up (officially). In practice, they had to return to their works due to being short on money and having to take their parents to receive medical services in the capital, despite mild disorder remaining as a result of the Civil War. In the state of total disillusion, Morana swore not to be involved in her husband’s politics or the Secret Service again but had to testify for him when he was interrogated in 2015, over the accusations of collaboration – something everyone seemed to be doing back before the Revolution.

Even when the election campaign started, Morana refused to be a part of her husband’s team, and he respected that wish. The only time she expressed any opinion was when the Providenska’s Herald was nationalized in 2011 and Nadezhda Kholmatzhonova was on a self-imposed exile to Western Auropia. Dresvyanina was qualified as a surgeon in 2012 and continued working in her new line of work.

Dresvyanin was true to his words and rarely ever interrupted Morana with his political campaign until the very moment he won the second place in the election of 2018 and became the Prime Minister of Zitravgrad. If anything, she has been present but not very involving as the Second Lady.


Appearance and Health (Back to the top)

Morana has dark blonde hair and green eyes and is above average in height, hence almost as tall as her husband. Despite bouts of concerns, she is quite bright-faced and bright-eyed, with a cheerful smile. She barely qualifies as a Sentient Nuclear Mutant, since she is considered to have very little change in her physical form, but is nonetheless treated as one in paperwork. Her eyes are somewhat glowing and her skin remains somewhat pale.

She is nearly always tired, given her line of work. Nonetheless, her public appearance as the Second Lady is noted for being fashionable and sharp and she appears youthful for her age.

Personal Health Evaluation

What is it about?

Gender

Female

Age

48

Orientation

Heteroromantic Asexual (Infertile)

Sub-Species

Sentient Nuclear Mutant

Height

174 cm (Above Average)

Weight

53 kg (In Range for Healthy Weight)

Hair Color

Dark Blonde

Eye Color

Green

Blood Type

HS (Donate only to HS/HST)

Hand Dexterity

Right-Handed

Physical Health Quotient (PHQ-I)

Beta (Above Average Physique and Immunity)

Intellectual Intuition Quotient (IIQ)

Beta (Above Average Learning and Memory Capacity)

Psychological Health Quotient (PHQ-II)

Beta (Above Average Psychological Health)


Education (Back to the top)

Dresvyanina’s education is entirely medical and she seems to have no interest outside the field – she has a Bachelor of Science in Physiology, a Master of Surgery and a Doctorate of Anatomy. She speaks Russian as her first language, Armenian as her second (only in her father’s side of the family) and English as a lingua franca. She also had to study a bit of German in university to get a grasp on some medical journals, but she does not speak the language, at least not anymore.


Personality and Personal Life (Back to the top)


The Dresvyanin in
a public event
Original Source Linkhere

Despite all odds against her, Morana is quite cheerful and bubbly, but also full of sarcasm and black humor. She takes life as a nihilist would take – that it is rather meaningless in the big picture. However, when faced with something she believes to be beyond any hope of fixing, she begins to take it all in and just laugh in its face -- either joyfully or nervously. While she respects her father and idolizes him, she has a fairly low opinion of her mother who was not of much help during her formation years. Living within the vicinity of her parents and her husband’s parents, the two families have gotten along well since their days in Tamkatska.

Her goals in life are pretty broad and simple. She aims to work and enjoy life as much as she could. But here is not to say that she is simple-minded. Morana understands the complexity of life and the world and does her best to simplify things. Simplicity is both her charm and her bad habit – she does not pretend to be anything she does not nor say what she does not mean, which might result in misunderstandings.

Since the couple cannot have children, Morana fills the void in her family life with pet cats and sometimes looks out for the children of her cousins. Nonetheless, she is considered a modern, independent woman with fashionable appearance – clever, hard-working but approachable. She enjoys cooking and watching movies and prefers modern music over the old one. Despite vowing not to look back to old, turbulent days, she still shudders when “Overture of 1905” plays – it was the music played in that opera house in 2005.

Trivia[/size]

    - Morana is a pagan but rarely actually does anything about it. Still, she is somewhat superstitious when it comes to lucks and omens. She doesn’t really like her own name that much and wonders all the time while she is named after Death.

    - The couple owns only one car and Morana is nearly always the passenger as her husband drives.

    - She smokes but only when she has people to sit down and talk to. In her opinion, it is pointless to “die alone”.


Political Views and Works

Despite her ardent opposition to “being political”, it is visible that she agrees with her husband about many things. Apart from that, she unironically wants press control, knowing that the press has agendas and can never be truly neutral. She also tries to promote the issues in the medical sector, even if it has seen several Improvements from in the 2000s. One more issue that she mentions is the freedom of religion. With the Grand Prince in full recognition, she has the right to be afraid that non-Christians would fall under discrimination like in the old times. The Second Lady's religious belief remains at odds with the rest of Zitravgrad's national leaders. As a pagan, she has a hardline belief that Christianity is undeserving of its current status as the world's largest religion and everything. Certainly, she might not express this in public or even to her husband, who is an Orthodox.

Her other concerns are the working people (not necessarily the proletariat, just people who work in general) and animal rights. In her opinion, the old Zitravian society has odd work ethics that inevitably leads to corruption no matter how hard everyone works. She is in support of welfare, minimum wage and reform of the medical system in the country. She is also notably hostile towards alternative medicines and anti-vaccination movements, for obvious reasons. Moreover, she has expressed that the state of the country's animal shelters is on the dire side and supported many veterinarians in their campaign to raise awareness about pet and livestock safety and regulations. In short, she works almost separately from her husband's usual political campaign.





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