Mikhailovsky Estate -- the Miroslavsky's estate since 1819, and a mark of the family's modest but ongoing history
>Yes, he is pretentious af and not that nice.
>Yes, he is just evil with fair intentions.
>Yes, lawful evil if you will. Lawful but really evil.
>Yes, all pictures are basically just Robert Montgomery, except some of Admiral Arseniy Golovko.
>Yes, do imagine big boomer vibe, posh British accent and tea.
>No, he is not socialist (at least not anymore?).
>No, he is not fascist.
>No, I don't know what he actually is, except a very authoritarian centrist.
"Man will never make a Utopia. One ought to sacrifice one thing for another. There will never be complete security in a place with complete freedom. There will be no full safety in a place in full liberty. Rules and laws are created to secure the livelihood of humans against their true barbaric nature. Man is born evil and selfish, but civilization puts this evil and selfishness into a good use by controlling them. That is our destiny as a race – to juggle between instinct and reasoning for the rest of our lifetime." - Kazimir Ivanovich Miroslavsky
Biography (Back to the top)
Born in a well-off "military family" in the capital city of Providenska, Kazimir Ivanovich is a son of Ivan Vladimirovich Miroslavsky and Ekaterina Andreievna Svaskova, who were a naval officer and a nurse respectively. His grandfather, Vladimir Petrovich Miroslavsky, however, took up a civilian career in law, serving as a prosecutor since 1950s to 1990s and later as a member of the Imperial Zitravian legislative, while his paternal grandmother Aurora Andreyevna is a businesswoman working for certain diamond mining company. The Miroslavsky has been associated with the military since the 19th century thanks to its unbroken line of male patriarchs but has never been ennobled or considered suitable for nobility or knighthood and usually found themselves still in subordination to aristocratic peers.
The family has always been economically comfortable, but its members have to work to effort such stability. They have also collected a fair amount of assets and political influence during two centuries of continuation but nonetheless are still considered beneath the nobility. Miroslavsky had what he considered a good childhood in which he was not only pampered but also taught in the matters of discipline and morality, one that prepared him for his future in military service. In his own words, Kazimir Ivanovich's memories of his father's stern, stoic teachings "formed him as a person". Moreover, he would have a respected physician, Dr. Sergey Petrovich Pashkov, as a godfather, even though their relationship would deteriorate and they ended up as mere acquaintances as Kazimir grew up.
"Military families" in Kozavia and its former dominions are often middle-class to upper-class families who have a long-preserved tradition of sending their sons (or even daughters) to the military. They are not an official thing but certainly has a unique place in the Kozavian and Zitravian cultures. Each family has its "patriarch" who is in charge of the estate and the wellbeing of his family members. (For some reason, they tended to be more patriarchal than otherwise.) From time to time, such families might arrange marriages between their families and support each other in time of need -- a tradition often taken as nepotism. This tradition seems to decline in the post-independence Zitravgrad, largely because of the conscription already sending everyone to a couple of years of service and also the abolition of the rigid table of ranks and castes in 2008.
Miroslavsky in his
late teen, young and
Attending St. George Naval Academy Preparatory School since he was 13, Miroslavsky was shaped into what was considered an ideal Kozavian officer -- cold, stoic, loyal, yet sophisticated and well-educated -- white-gloved young gentleman ready for duty. He was noted as "highly intelligent, sociable yet selective with his company". Miroslavsky was introduced to all subjects a future naval officer would need and excelled in most of them, notably mathematics, history and physical training. However, his university years was interrupted by the start of Zitravian Front (1992-1995) in the Imperialists' War (1985 - 1995). Called into the frontline at the age of 20 as a junior lieutenant, the taste of post-modern warfare inflicted heavy psychological scars on many of its participants on all sides and the nuclear nightmare of 19 November 1994 would forever traumatize them. Serving on in Submarine Pankrova, Miroslavsky was an assistant to the chief navigator, who would commend his service after the war. The naval campaign in the Baldreatic Sea became one of the bloodiest (naval) theatres of war in the entire war.
Instead of being referred to simply as the Third Global War (which it definitely was), the Imperialists' War (1985 - 1995) has been granted a fancy name that reflected its imperialist nature -- it was a war that stemmed from colonial conflicts which soon escalated into a field of opportunities for colonial powers to settle conflicts, whether old or new. Although starting as a series of unrelated conflicts, the factions soon became clear in the late 1980s – with the Kozavian Empire, the Papal States and Fracialian Empire on one side and the Anglicaen Empire, the Austriker Empire and the United Commonwealth of Eastern Atlanzian States on the other. The Kozavian Empire and its dominions only joined the war in its latter half, but its initiation of nuclear exchanges escalated the conflicts. As a result, the Empire was hit by 16 nuclear strikes, 3 of them were in Zitravia and 2 more were in Kozavia itself. The end of this war reshaped the global order and shifted the balance of power away from colonial powers to regional powers.
With every minute being life and death in the submarine, the First Rank Captain Vasili Pereshenko resorted to unorthodox methods to keep the morale alive. He refused to reveal the results of the devastating confrontation between the Zitravian fleet and the enemy Auestriker fleet to the crew and only revealed it to the selected few he trusted. Being in the navigation staffs, Miroslavsky could not help but question the apparent sign of a sunken battleship within their range. The captain then pulled him close and whispered: "[Battleship] Strayaz, my son. The Rear-Admiral had died with his ship." The junior lieutenant ceased all questions, only nodded and went back to work but the rest of the navigation staffs knew that he could never live down the death of his father. This event, along with a few other conflicts, would eventually lead to him volunteering to leave the Imperial Navy years later
From then, Miroslavsky's philosophy took a turn for a nihilistic, cynical way of thinking and returned to his usual duties after the war without much question. In December 1995, Kazimir Ivanovich headed home and graduated with a Bachelor's degree in Political Sciences in 1996, then returned to the Navy as a clerical staff, spending most of his time working in clerical positions. Like many others, he had petty complaints of the current administration run by the aristocracy and the negligent watch of the Kozavian Empire itself, but did not take a clear action. His personal life was less than colourful, coping with his antisocial temperament he developed from wartime trauma. He developed a drinking and drug habits before seeking help from both medical and religious assistance. It was a turbulent time of his life.
His superiors noted that he adamantly refused to be on a ship, which was difficult for his career prospect. It became more and more apparent that Miroslavsky was not going anywhere in with such mindset and his position as mere paper-pusher. In the meantime, he had accidentally made himself an enemy in the name of Captain Nikolai Stepanovich Yermirov, whose father was an admiral who also died in action. On several occasions, Yermirov criticized Miroslavsky's unwillingness to retake a combative role as well as his supposed relationship with another (male) officer as Miroslavsky was openly bisexual. It was clear to him that Yermirov needed a stepping stone to gain the favor of his superiors -- he was an illegitimate child of a nobleman, which was an obstacle to get around in Zitravian society. Something about Yermirov disturbed him, whether it was the fact that the man used his father's name and the perils of his fellow officers to rise in rank or that he had a cult following in the Navy for promoting ‘fascistic’ ideals.
"The Navy finds no use to a sailor who weeps when he looks at the sea. You are a complete waste of a seat in Preparatory School and your family name, shuffling papers on shore while you should be in the navigation crew." - Yermirov to Miroslavsky
From then, perhaps, Miroslavsky found Yermirov to be a mortal enemy. In the year 2000, he volunteered to the Gendarmerie when the Armed Forces were downsized due to budget issues. After six months of initiation training, he was enlisted as a Gendarmerie Captain, one step up from his rank in the Navy. Seeing that his new career was more inclined to police duties, he decided for a Master's degree in Public Safety which he received in 2002 (and with this degree he was made a lieutenant colonel). Nonetheless, the reputation of the Navy Staff followed him: "the regiment of scorpions, vipers, and vultures -- cunning, shrewd and vicious behind the facade of intellectualism and bureaucracy." It was safe to say that he was not popular with his colleagues in the Gendarmerie regardless of positions and duties he took. In the meantime, he was recovering well mentally and took particular interest in climbing up the ranks through connections and eventually in marriage. This resulted to a string of contacts with women from the upper-class, none of which lasted a year and some did not even develop into proper relationship. Soon enough, he decided that marrying for status was not his way of life.
In the year 2000, the Kozavian Empire initiated the reduction of its Armed Forces all over the Empire. In Zitravia, 80,000 young officers, commissioned and non-commissioned, were dismissed or transferred to other positions in the police and the bureaucracy. This resulted in the general resentment among the officers who were moved, as some of them came from "military families" and did not know how to go about a new career. However, a large number of these officers were transferred to the police, hence strengthening the Zitravian law enforcement for a short while before its eventual collapse from the inside.
In his initiation training in preparation
for joining the Gendarmerie
As Zitravia became politically unstable, the Kozavian Empire began to rely more upon the ruthless hand of the Gendarmerie to curb down the dissidents. It was an ironic situation -- the people would see every new rule or law as a sign of the government strengthening their oppression and the government would see any small request of liberty as a sign of disobedience. With his grandfather as an advisor to the Governor-General, Miroslavsky was initially stationed in Providenska, again as a paper-pushing officer. In December 2003, the officers of his station (but not him) was notably present in the theatre when the assassination attempt on the Governor-General happened. As a result, all officers of the station were either moved or forced to resign. Miroslavsky was discreetly promoted to colonel and transferred to a new post to silence him, and it was to a post that no one wanted to go.
"I did not have to look too deeply around me to notice that we were walking on shards of broken glasses. I was a gendarmerie officer, someone in the center of chaos. But I only needed more information to discern its sources and future directions. And it was in this assassination attempt that I found my wit’s end." - Miroslavsky on the current state of affairs in 2003
The very last Governor-General of Imperial Zitravia before the storming of the Kremlin was Casmar Kirillovich Deryzsky, who was proven unpopular with the common people, but tolerated by the aristocracy whom he tried hard to appease. In December 2003, the Governor-General was shot in the back by an unknown assassin (later revealed to be a hired hitman rather than a politically-driven killer) while in an opera house. The case was soon revealed to be plotted by the men from the inner circle of the Kremlin in order to cause a stir -- it was not even meant to be successful.
"When I entered that place for the first time, I felt as though I was leaving the borders of Zitravia and somehow crossing into the Auestriker borders. Everything about it gave me the feeling – their obsession with order, cleanliness and hierarchy of command was the main factor. I felt uncomfortable even as a man who had seen a fair share of military and police services, yet also fascinated." - Miroslavsky on the Auestriker Naukograd
He stepped his foot on the soils of Svarevna in February 2004 -- his next post was Auestriker Naukograd, an old enemy airbase that was ironically turned into a labour camp for the prisoners of war who once owned it. In the Naukograd of the Auestriker prisoners of war, he felt almost like a prisoner himself, and, even worse, stuck with people who did not speak (or even try to) speak Russian or Ukrainian. Nonetheless, Miroslavsky would tread lightly around the Naukograd residents and managed to gain the trust of their leading figures. During this time, the Auestriker Naukograd sent a handful of their engineers to the Zitravian forces fighting in the rebellious Baldreatic States and Miroslavsky soon found himself in charge of something bigger than a colonel should manage -- an airbase, a seabase, and a military research city with the total population of almost 30,000, as well as the expectations of the Zitravian Armed Forces that he could beat all those into obedience.
The Naukograd was, in his opinion, where ethics were thrown out of the window in the name of "progress". Notably, he oversaw the projects of Colonel Dr. Alexander de Marmesont and Prof. Dr. Konstantin Stepanovich Nedelykov. While Miroslavsky respected both Marmesont and Nedelykov, they were not friendly towards him and vice versa. (Nedelykov is a "twin" brother of Yermirov, after all.) There, he witnessed Nedelykov's works, which set a leap for cyber warfare that was introduced in the 1980s. Then, and especially then, did Kazimir Ivanovich realized that the weapons created here were not only for wars against nations, but also wars against internal conflicts. Moreover, the Naukograd residents also spoke liberally and aggressively of how there would be a ‘revolution’ in Zitravia, something that piqued Miroslavsky’s interest.
"There was not much joy in my existence, even over a decade after the war. This little Ms. Marmesont is a light to my soul. I feel as if I could not last without her. But certainly, there was a loud objection. I was thirty-four, if I was a woman they would consider me a spinster. My bride-to-be was eighteen. It took a considerable amount of time and efforts to convince her family than she would be in good hands." - Miroslavsky on the circumstances of his engagement
But in the oddities of the Naukograd, his attention was caught by the young, beautiful daughter of the Marmesont family -- the eighteen year-old Rosaline de Marmesont. Despite being fifteen years apart, he soon pursued her relentlessly and proposed to her. The couple were then engaged in the September of 2004. This became the second event that compromised his career in the Gendarmerie, especially thanks to the status of Auestriker Naukograd as a Sharashka where prisoners of war from the Imperialists' War were held. Reasonably, Miroslavsky's decision to marry a daughter of an Auestriker "war criminal" was seen to be in poor fashion, even if the Naukograd now served Imperial Zitravian Armed Forces and no other marriage between Auestriker officers and Kozavian-Zitravian ones faced similar issue. Perhaps it was Miroslávsky's position that ignited the controversy.
Auestriker Empire was an archnemesis of the Kozavian Empire during the Imperialists' War, and its defeat meant that the furious and embittered Kozavian Empire was free to trample over it. In 1995, 1,500 Auestriker prisoners of war were handpicked for their expertise in military-related engineering and extradited to a Naukograd (science city) in Svarevna for the purpose of weapon research. According to their sentences, most members were to be put under labor for at least 20 years. One of the high-ranking members in the Auestriker POWS was Prof. Dr. Alexander Theodore de Marmesont, a 36-year-old aerospace engineer. After gaining permission from the Kozavian authority, his wife and three children joined him in the Naukograd.
The Naukograd was essentially a city, with its own hospital, school, housing, emergency service, and utilities. For most parts, the "prisoners" had to take care of their own living condition, while living and working under the strict eye of Zitravian Gendarmerie. If anything broke, they had to fix it themselves while the Gendarmeire's only job was to watch them work and report on it and to prevent them from stepping out of the city without permission. This, however, also meant that their living standard certainly was above normal prisons and that they retained a sense of community. As a result, most kept their own culture and even refused to speak Russian or Ukrainian to their "jailors" and even demanded respect for their high-ranked officers and scientists.
Nonetheless, everything went through almost peacefully. Miroslavsky was moved out of the Naukograd on the ground that he did not fraternize any further with the Auestriker staffs, while his engagement was respected. He was given a new position in Providenska in November 2004, which was in a large Gendarmerie station called Svinsky Ploshard – a mere fifteen minute walk away from the State University of Providenska, the hotbed of political activities led by academics. He and his fiancée soon cohabited in his grandfather’s estate. Initially, his family did not find his foreign bride-to-be appealing, having preferred one of his former suitresses. Rosaline later received proper identification document which named her ‘Feodora Alexandrova’ -- her first name was derived from her father's middle name Theodore. By then, Miroslavsky was considered one of the local ‘shadow figures’ in Zitravian politics. Despite having no solid or legitimate power, merely being a high-ranking gendarmerie officer enabled him to an extent of the state secrets as well as its surveillance system.
An intimate photo of
Miroslavsky with his
then fiancee Feodora
Alexandrovna, Aug 2004
Original Source here /
Colorized by https://colourise.sg/
"Some think their ambitions would end when they look behind them and see that they are already leading a decent amount of people. Others think their ambitions would end only when they look back in front and find that no one else is leading them. I was conflicted between these thoughts." - Miroslavsky in 2005
It went almost well until April 2005, when Miroslavsky would meet was his own authority, in the form of Gendarmerie Director Kirill Petrovich Kavaz. Almost immediately, he was accused of collaborating with the Austriker prisoners of war and put under "torture routine" for two weeks (along with a few other notable officers, one of whom died in torture). It was soon revealed to Miroslavsky that Kavaz needed someone to take the blames for his own collaboration with Lavrientiy Kholmatzhonov and it was Kavaz himself that plotted the assassination attempt on the Governor-General's life.
Kazimir Ivanovich was then released from prison in one piece, but barely alive. This event was some kind of political revelation for him, and he began to notice political factions that grew everywhere in Zitravian society. (In his own word, he mentioned "it took him too long to notice.") Reportedly, he was hung upside-down and flogged until he was unconscious. It was clear that he refused to speak and to admit for the crime he never did. This event set Miroslavsky's political philosophy, in addition to his already cynical nature -- he soon believed that this was in no way wrong and he deserved to be tortured on the ground of failing to avoid his enemy's manoeuvring. In his "might makes right" view, everything was justified in the game, as long as one got away with it.
Kozavian law enforcement has a rule on corporal punishment known as "Interrogation and Torture Routine". Essentially it is a process in which the interrogators must estimate the suspect's capability to withstand torture before applying a physical and psychological force upon him or her as constantly as possible without killing the person by accident. A routine is usually repetitive but specific, dictating what to do and when to do it for optimal result in interrogation. This includes, but is not limited to, long period of sensory deprivation, sleep deprivation, food and drink deprivation, and stress positions, or more physical methods such as waterboarding, mock execution, flogging and threat of mutilation. Do consider that Miroslavsky is a physically imposing man and even then they managed to break his will to exist in two weeks and left him blind in one eye.
He also took considerable time to heal from the torture in the summer of 2005 – an event that ironically reconciled his family with his fiancée, as the latter dedicated much of her time to take care of him. This was when he reportedly joined the Workers' Union through an old friend of his -- Vladimir Zaradinsky, a writer and political activist known for staging riots and protests in Providenska. However, the so-called "union" was then still in its infancy and even if the network was wide, it was patchy at best. However, this changed when some army officers were involved -- the ideas shared by the union members soon spread widely, but quietly, to their friends and families, and so on. Ironically, the ideas that actually went out were not close to the idealistic socialistic draft of its proprietor, but rather the ideas of revenge and independence from the Kozavian Empire. Two months after the incident, Kavaz was duly exposed and forced to resign by his subordinates, led by Miroslavsky himself, in an event later dubbed "Gendarmerie's Minor Coup. Any new head of the Gendarmerie would fall under the mob rule of his subordinates until Miroslavsky was assigned the Director in late 2006
"Yes, sir! I will shove you in a body bag and send you back to your wife and children in Nalzhatgorod. I even have enough postage stamps for that." - This quote is allegedly spoken by Miroslavsky, who neither confirms nor denies it.
Prof. Dr. Denis Anatoleyevich Mefimsky's opposition towards the Kozavian Rule started from the tamed and reserved environment of the University of Providenska but soon was translated into something people could digest. Essentially socialistic, pro-worker rights and anti-monarchy, the Workers' Union was considered radical and dangerous by the Kozavian authority, almost confused for the Communist. Since their ideology attracted common people, the Workers' Union's strength was in the number of supporters. The Workers' Union later became the Workers' Party under the leadership of Premier Miroslavsky, but it is uncertain if its starting ideology still remains.
"If we shall compare the sorry state of Zitravia as being lost in a tunnel, then the light we are seeing at the end of the tunnel is not hope. It is hatred. But it is so strong, so passionate, so fascinating. That is actually what started our revolution -- something completely opposite from ideals. We were like dogs in corner and it was either fight or flight."
Soon enough, he would be an influential member of the Workers' Union although he never fully acknowledged the economic ideology with which this faction came up. It was more about his connections and military and legal expertise that attracted attention from the union's members. In the summer of 2005, he was already planning to marry his fiancée but the turmoil in Zitravia required Miroslavsky to work harder. Coincidentally, Feodora was finishing her doctorate in the University of Svarevna, where technocratic activities were at its peak.
Feodora was also a protégé to none other but Nedelykov himself. Thus, Miroslavsky soon learned through his fiancée that another faction of right-wing technocrats was fixed upon restoring the Yaroslav dynasty. None of those would really matter to him until he learned that Nedelykov, a mathematician and computer scientist, was working on nationwide sabotage which would signal the beginning of the fascist revolution. While questioning the relationship between Feodora Alexandrovna and Konstantine Stepanovich, Miroslavsky still made use of most information about the latter that he heard through his fiancée and others. Moreover, he eventually had access to her works which were majorly related to the Auestriker Naukograd and the Zitravian Army intelligence agency. During this time, Miroslavsky played the role of a loyal gendarmerie officer while covering the activities of his own faction. This included the murders of Minister of Health and a prominent judge in early 2006, the recruitment within the ranks of the law enforcement and other minor distractions from the real issue that there were several political factions waiting to topple the Imperial Rule. The start of 2007 was also marked by an ominous feeling -- he did not just know what was about to happen, he intended to have a hand it it.
"Nedelykov, Yermirov and their followers were surprisingly patient. They could wait for years for their planned revolution… my own comrades were not nearly that patient. However, it was fortunate that we knew what they were thinking, or at least a glimpse of it. We could manipulate their fight to our advantages."
Even the fascists had two sides inside them... Led by Vice Admiral Nikolai Stepanovich Yermirov, the republican fascists were in support of a fascist republic run by a regime of military officers, free from the influence of a monarchy. It had its own struggles before forming into a small, but crucial faction filled with the top brass of the Armed Forces in the early 2000s, with its heart in the Zitravian Navy. Meanwhile, Dr. Konstantin Stepanovich Nedelykov was more of an aristocrat who wished to preserve the shape and form of the Zitravian ruling class -- the old elites. He rooted for the return of the pre-Kozavian monarchy. the Yaroslav dynasty. Although both were covered with the blanket term of "fascism" thanks to their far-right stances, they were drastically different and not even the brotherly bond would hold Nedelykov and Yermirov together to the end.
Thoughts were made in a school of thought -- the Front was united in the office of Asst. Prof. Dr. Adam Yanovich Dresvyanin, but his front was not very wide. Largely kept among themselves, the educated middle-class of eastern oblasts considered themselves above the common people by their education and merits, but below the middle-class in Providenska and Yaroslavogorod and the ever-privileged aristocracy. They were freshly-educated from abroad and brought "new ideas" to home, mostly from western nations. Even in the 21st century, the Kozavian Empire was a stranger to the idea such as "democracy", and they believed themselves to be the pioneers of it. In their mind, the only way that Zitravia could be free was to be independent from the Empire first and foremost. In its infancy, the United Front was considered an ally of the Yaroslavian Fascists until the Provisional Government came into existence.
Before the Kozava dynasty took over Zitravia in the 16th century, the Grand Principality of Zitravia was ruled by the Yaroslav dynasty. Unlike the opulent and grandiose, yet militaristic Kozava, the Yaroslav has always been rather ascetic and peaceful. And this was the reason they were still honored with the title of Grand Prince/Princess and allowed to hold religious ceremonies in the name of Zitravia. But nonetheless, the title was a merely empty word, and there have been a few Grand Princes who had tried to wrestle their dominion back. Grand Prince Viktor has always been a subject of discussion (and much quarrel). When a faction considered itself "Yaroslavian", its allegiance laid with him. Still, Grand Prince Viktor considered their allegiance a manipulation and his position a pawn of power. He was only 19 years old when the Revolution started, and never actually condoned any faction.
In the early morning of 12 August 2007, Miroslavsky took the chances to hijack the sabotage and marched with the Workers' Union to the Providenska Kremlin Walls, just to discover that the fascists would arrive by Light Cruiser Aphylla, under the leadership of Vice-Admiral Yermirov himself. Moreover, the other factions would throw themselves into this opportunity at later dates. Public protests would become more frequent and, worse, the police and the military personnel were found abandoning their posts to join the protesters. Despite the mixed message and visible ideological clash between the left and the right as well as the republican and the Yaroslavian, the Kozavian Empire sensed one crucial issue -- a revolution. The Governor-General would be captured and promtply executed by defenestration, from the window of the Kremlin Palace down to the ground where the barely alive Deryzsky would be burned alive by the angry mob of soldiers waiting below. At that moment, it felt as if the so-called "socialist" and "fascist" factions were joined together as one large movement.
Dr. Nedelykov is a man of complex operations -- even more so than Miroslavsky. In 1996, he started writing a calculator program named Paradox, which soon grew into a more complex software with several extensions (Equinox Paradox for date and time calculator, Avaritia Paradox for accounting, etc., etc.) But its final extension was "Licentia Paradox" which was a brute force hacking program that slowly ate into the Zitravian Regional GovSys (Government's System, that, ironically, was developed by a team led by Nedelykov himself) and into all public systems while erasing its own footprints. If Nedelykov's interrogation is reliable at all, 12 August 2007 was not the day he was ready, but rather a month before. But before then, he left his 64 GB RAM desktop computer running a 5 TB heavy software on the high-speed connection from 2001 to 2007, just to get hijacked on the day of operation.
The sabotage lasted almost 12 days, during which electricity, telephone lines and internet were not working properly (except some places that had their own generators -- a minor detail for Nedelykov anyway.) His targets were the bureaucracy and the law enforcement who, as he wanted, failed flat to preserve order in the capital city and other strategic locations. This also allowed the imports of foreign support since the border control would not be able to detect a majority of mercenaries without sophisticated tools. Any communication between any authorities were made by written messages sent by vehicles. It lasted not long, but long enough for the already prepared revolutionary armies to set itself up.
"The Empire's greatest mistake was not suspecting Baron Kholmatzhonov who was quite literally holding all the strings together under the nose of the Governor-General himself. For almost a decade, the Baron has established himself the best of connections -- he knew every faction regardless of ideology, knew where they formed, knew who they were and knew how to compromise with them... and most importantly owned a media company that published news he wanted Zitravia to see. This man was the Governor of Providenska for five years and swore an oath of fealty to the Kozavian Empire, yet it was him who hired a hitman to shoot the Governor-General in the back. It was him, and he had such high promise until he actually got to run the show." - Miroslavsky's comment on the Provisional Government
As Zitravia quickly collapsed into an anarchy, the meeting between faction leaders were called in the first week of September 2007, by Baron Kholmatzhonov. He was able to convince all sides to gather the troops in time before the Zitravian War of Independence officially began a week later. Miroslavsky did not stand as the leader of the Workers' Union during the Revolution or the War of Independence, but was heavily involved in military and police affairs and seated as Director of Public Safety in the Provisional Government and a(n armchair) commander for the forces that his faction gathered. The reason behind Miroslavsky's appointment despite the existence of more senior officers was his role in the Workers' Union and his facade of being negotiable and submissive to the Provisional Government, as well as his being able to connect to the Naukograd and to communicate with some foreign mercenaries thanks to his knowledge in their languages. It was more of a situational appointment than anything.
Now face to face with Nedelykov and Yermirov who ardently protested his presence, Miroslavsky sensed future conflicts with them (or rather initiated it out of sheer distrust). He was put in two major roles -- one of a military staff commander and one of a police commander. Much like many "warlords" during the Revolution, Miroslavsky himself did have to deal with insubordination with lashes and bullets. At the time, he was assigned a division of his own in the capital, with a mix of professional soldiers, volunteered partisans and mercenaries -- which he ran with iron discipline. Zitravia itself was a large country, thus the Provisional Government's concerns were in fact the fightings originated from the breakage between those who were still loyal to the Kozavian Empire, while the invading forces from the east would become an issue later on. Some of those loyalists came in from of influential local politicians or even police or military officers. As the political partisan groups spread across the map, each group would try to hold their territories in order regardless of their allegiance to the Provisional Government -- such leaders were referred to as "warlords" even if such system was short-lived.
Mincing words is, of
course, his specialty
Miroslavsky's wartime practices were rather controversial. During the War of Independence and the Civil War, Miroslavsky would have the funds of his troops both from domestic and foreign sponsors transferred to an offshore account and converted the funds into a stable currency that was not Kozavian ruble due to the descending value of the currency. His troops were not paid in paper money due to the instability of the situations, but rather in necessities like food, clothes and medicine for the soldiers and their families. Meanwhile, he held the capital still with endless propaganda and curfew and recruited civilians into his numbers. Some of the recruits under Miroslavsky was as young as 14. Much like other warlords during the time, Miroslavsky was holding an army he recruited, consisting of militiamen, professional soldiers and foreign volunteers.
The question of the foreign volunteers and mercenaries was never answered or explained, but most records had implied that they were from nations who were rivals to the Kozavian Empire. It has also been heavily implied that Miroslavsky, who speaks reasonably good Turkish, had a few connections with Saratolian diplomats and hence the Sultan of Saratolik. A couple more dispatches have discovered that Miroslavsky was aware or even supported by nationalist movements in other parts of the Kozavian Empire, namely Dozdchenian, Tbilosian, and Hayarmanian underground movements. His troops traded weapons and mercenaries with other nationalist movements and still supports them until now albeit covertly. He would also take many of these soldiers to his side during the Civil War, although some did go to side with his archnemesis Yermirov.
On 28 October 2008, the Kozavian Empire accepted their "inability to win" against the Zitravian forces and a treaty was signed between the delegates of the Empire and the new fledging nation which had not even decided what it was going to be. Again and again, Kholmatzhonov realized that there was no way it would survive if all factions remained intact, but he was far from being the only man who realized it. Largely by personal prejudice, Kholmatzhonov dismissed the Communist Party out of the picture, a decision that marked him as a rival of other left-wing parties. Meanwhile, the southeastern militia and Cossack troops under the Prince Director Dmitri Yakovich Potyomkin (who was not so coincidentally yet another cousin of Miroslavsky) blended into the Workers' Union and the rift between right-wing factions deepened over the role of Grand Prince Yaroslav. The United Front led by Adam Yanovich Dresvyanin left the scene and went into inactivity (until its comeback in 2010), while other factions struggled to work together anymore. The Internal Ceasefire (28 October 2008 - 16 November 2008) was a very short time in which nothing happened on the outside, but the Provisional Government was internally on the verge of collapse while it was working to preserve itself. The Collaborators' Civil War broke soon after its collapse. Most notably, it was Miroslavsky himself who broke the ceasefire by arranging an attack on the Fascists' submarine Odrashka from the Baldreatic Sea. By that time, Zitravian "warlords" had already banded into major factions occupying from several towns to an entire oblast, with Miroslavsky having more allies than his major rivals -- the northwestern troop of Vice-Admiral Yermirov and the eastern troops of General Leonid Kolkaz.
"The northeast belongs to our allies, far from us but not our enemy; a mild presence of people who might have supported Kozavia are also there, but they are ignorable as our war with Kozavia is over. The southern states are in conflicts, but mostly with themselves. There is my dear Dmitri [Potyomkin] there with his people. They open the way for foreign mercenaries to join us. But Yermirov has his fair share of these men as well -- after all their allegiance is money. The east... oh... the east... Leonid Kolkaz is its current "saviour" with all his rejected talk of communism. He is neither my or Yermirov's ally, but rather enemy of us both. The west, especially the capital, is divided between Yermirov and I, with our sacred borders drawn by the river near the Kremlin itself. But this is where my problem remains. Yermirov stirs the sea with chaos and delightfully sails in it. If I want him gone, I will need a fleet of my own." - Miroslavsky on "warlord era" of Zitravia
The Auestriker Naukograd had defected from the fascist, but it only produced highly-specialized weapons, many of which were classified and not many of his soldiers would learn to operate them efficiently in time. Moreover, many were demoralized against the sheer notoriety of Yermirov's name. However. he managed to secure a fleet led by the prototype Battlecruiser Polshaskovich. The said battlecruiser was built with the newest technologies plagiarized from Auestriker Navy, and gave Miroslavsky a fair advantage. While rarely actually seen in combat, Miroslavsky was an expert of strategy and logistics. Once the effects of the digital sabotage wore out, he began planning for his allies from the battleship and later behind the frontlines. As the Director of the Public Safety during the Provisional Government, Miroslavsky was the closest to the common people, while Yermirov was the closest to the Zitravian troops as the Commander-in-Chief -- in many people's opinions, both men could have been working together as they did in the war against Kozavia. But they certainly did not think so. Since February 2009, the fleet under Yermirov was still stationed next the Admiralty Building, a position he wouldn't give up for anything. A few days after entering each other's range of fire, Miroslavsky decided that a showdown in the middle of a river in the metropolis would be a horrid idea, but Yermirov would begin the last battle at their respective positions. As a result, both ships were heavily damaged but Light Cruiser Aphylla was the only one that sank. Yermirov was declared dead after the wreck of the ship was taken out of the water a week later.
"The Eastern oblasts do not want to be their own state. They want to put Kolkaz in Providenska and over a unified Zitravia. The problem is that I am already in Providenska and I, too, want to put myself over a unified Zitravia." - Miroslavsky's remark upon hearing that Kolkaz was still alive, 21 February 2009
Without Yermirov, the fascist soon broke into disarray, having no other leader capable of controlling the military forces as a whole and leaving only a few groups to offer strong resistance. His co-collaborator Nedelykov tried to escape south but was caught and put on a trial. The fascist troops in Providenska and western oblasts either surrendered or were killed while the situations in other regions depended on whichever factions were dominant. Any town or city under the Workers' Union would attack any remaining Kozavian loyalists as well as fascist sympathizers and silence any other opposition, sometimes by force and other times by gathering support of the local population. However, the eastern oblasts strengthened to the point of having a sizeable partisan network armed by weapons captured or salvaged from the previous conflicts.
It was getting more and more apparent that Miroslavsky was not loyal to the founding ideology of his faction. The Workers' Union soon found itself more or less defined by Miroslavsky's own methodology. Nonetheless, he became increasingly popular in his sphere of influence, venerated as a hero of the Zitravian people. Meanwhile, Kolkaz's own ideology was far clearer. If anything, he was a true communist who saw Miroslavsky as just a new face from the Zitravian oppressive ruling class run by aristocracy, bourgeoisie, and intelligentsia. With both men claiming that they were the true savior of the people, the Civil War would not end until they fought. However, between the western and the eastern oblasts, there was the massive Wasteland itself. Most conflicts during the Revolutionary War had specifically avoided this area thanks to its unspeakable hazards of radiation and mutants.
"The man who conquers the Wasteland shall conquer Zitravia in the process." - Leonid Kolkaz upon the ambiguous stance between the western and the eastern oblasts
As of the spring of 2009, the Wasteland had been virtually untouched beyond certain areas opened for research stations and watchtowers that kept people out and the mutated creatures in, but airborne transportation was possible. Thinking that Miroslavsky was hesitant, Kolkaz decided to transport the troops halfway into the Wasteland and landed in the safe zones behind the western gates of the Wasteland. Only one oversight was made: the eastern army did not expect that the western army had begun an expedition into the Wasteland themselves. In protective gears and vehicles, both armies fought in the heart of the wastelands from 17 March to 21 May. On 22 May, Leonid Kolkaz surrendered to Miroslavsky, but the rest of his troops did not surrender alongside him until Miroslavsky crossed the Wasteland into the eastern oblasts. The rest from now was a long path to reestablishing any semblance of order and stability.
30 May 2009 was the day that marked a new era in which Zitravia had its slate wiped almost clean. Almost. The Workers' Union became the Workers' Party and established total control over Zitravia. And that was exactly the first thing Miroslavsky did as the Premier of Zitravgrad -- control. The Party reformed the administration system, cancelled the nobility's table of ranks and feudal administration, silenced all political oppositions, including the Eastern Orthodox Church, nationalized half of the nation's economy and properties that were left behind by the now-exiled aristocracy and drafted a new constitution -- in which the Yaroslav dynasty was not even mentioned in the slightest. But what remained was the police and military systems that exercised tight authority over the population. Within months, the Party got rid of all traces of the old ruling system. Nevertheless, its promise to bring a democratic system to Zitravgrad was swept under the carpet for the first few years of the Workers' Party's rule. It was too fast a pace for such a new nation, but Miroslavsky ensured that at least rules were followed – any other understanding could arrive later.
With Zitravgrad as a republic, Miroslavsky thought that the new ruling class had to be stratocrats or technocrats and there would be no future otherwise. In his characteristically drastic fashion, he replaced the Kremlin's staffs, the Cabinet of Ministers and the high commands of military and police forces with men he could trust and people of high expertise, ditching anyone with any involvement with any faction opposing to his. Miroslavsky was not beyond conducting a political purge against his former enemies. Most of them would be discharged from their positions in the military, law enforcement or bureaucracy, others would be imprisoned or exiled and the remaining few of them would simply be executed. In the meantime, any important position occupied by the people he purged would be refilled by people he trusted or found to be at least neutral. Meanwhile, in his personal life, he was married to Feodora Alexandrovna on 28 February 2010. The wedding, however, was far from publicized, a statement that his personal life would be isolated from political affairs.
"By the damned least, he is honest about being treacherous." - An unnamed collaborator
Miroslavsky in his
on his wedding day
While it was not a single-handed feat, Miroslavsky administration has always been famous for tight law enforcement, state-capitalist economic system, extensive public education and healthcare, secular laws and largely neutral and risk-avoiding diplomatic stance -- this is made possible by an equally extensive bureaucracy. He brought about a revitalization of Zitravgradian economy but shifting most of the assets away from the grips of the Kozavian ruling class and subsidizing essential industries as well as opening up energy and mineral trades with other Auropian nations. Despite having spoken of anti-interventionism, Miroslavsky had supported independence movements in other Kozavian dominions since after Zitravgrad was independent. He sent offshore funds and unmarked troops Dozdcheny in 2009 to Tbilosia and Hayarmarni as as early as 2011 and the support would last until both states gained their independence in 2010 and 2014 respectively, and later Adychei in 2020. While knowing that the newfound nations might be unstable at first, he believed to have secured himself allies against the ire of the Kozavian Empire and created Zitravgrad's future "sphere of influence" whose association he could use to Zitravgrad's advantage whether it is economic cooperation, political support in international stage and military pact. Certainly, this resulted as a cold war of sort between Zitravgrad and its former master. Apart from various economic, social and cultural changes he brought into Zitravgrad, the Premier had seen a fair share of conflicts as followed:
2009 Questioning (June-August 2009): Almost immediately after his rise to power, Miroslavsky and the high-ranking officers in his faction were brought under some accusations of the violations of the Convention of Koniginsgerald, including but not limited to recruitment of adolescent soldiers, taking of hostages, denial of medical attention to opposing civilians and attacks on medical and non-combatant enemy units as well as targeted extermination of Kozavian-born citizens. After a few months of proving to the World Court that his enemies had committed similar actions and that the situations had rendered several of his actions inevitable as well as pointing out several details such as similar extermination of Zitravians made by the Kozavian Empire. Miroslavsky and his men were acquitted of all charges, albeit this still put Zitravgrad in an awkward position in the League of Nations until much later on.
Crypto-Fascist Terrorist Attacks (March 2011 - June 2013): A series of seemingly unconnected terrorist attacks made by people who supported the now-defunct republican fascist or merely opposed the new regime in general -- there were four events which happened in four completely different positions. However, all were targetting something of strategic important: 1) attempted bombing of Ministry of Commerce in Providenska (March 2011) 2) hacking of the beta test of national database (September 2011) 3) mass shooting in a Catholic church by two "extremists" (July 2012) and 4) assassination attempt on the Premier with an A.I. disguised as his secretary (June 2013)
Sephisramia Crisis (September 2015): Now paranoid and untrusting of his own men above others, Miroslavsky made what could be considered his biggest blunder in this crisis. When an old supercomputer used for space-related expeditions was hacked and destroyed from distance, the Premier was quick to scout the rank of his own computer scientists since he had been backstabbed by one and found his mortal enemy in another. However, the situation eventually cleared up as his intelligence found that it was a foreign operation and managed to prevent the next cyberattack. This event alone made the public questioned Miroslavsky's infallability like never before and it was perhaps the most mentally difficult crisis in his entire career.
Constitutional Change (November - December 2016): Seemingly out of nowhere, Viktor Pavlovich Yaroslav started making public appearances in religious ceremonies. He had not been anywhere, he had been around the whole time but people ony truly realized his existence right then. However, the Grand Prince had grown restless with the government's policy to limit religious influence and draw a line between religion and politics, seeing it as his duty to preserve the balance between Zitravia and Eastern Orthodox Church. Sooner or later, he started to gather people's support, which was not much more than Miroslavsky's own cult-like devotees but still reminded him of a promise to make Zitravgrad "a nation with its own destiny", especially when other partisan groups took the opportunity to join in. At first hesitant, Miroslavsky eventually negotiated with the partisan groups and the Grand Prince and all sides agreed upon a crowned republic of sort. It was obvious that Miroslavsky still got more than half of the things his way but the other almost-half of the things was soon decided in an election in November 2016. Miroslasky was still ultimately the people's choice although he was almost perplexed to learn that Adam Yanovich Dresvyanin had returned to political stage. Nonetheless, the three leading figures of Zitravgrad had worked together in harmony so far, depending on who you ask.
2017 Basdon Conflict (April 2017 - February 2019): In April 2017, the unmarked troops marched into the southeastern region of Basdon and later took over the Regional Rada after a remarkably passive fight, then declared Basdon an autonomous region under the name of the People's Republic of Basdon. The Kremlin would hear none of that and it was not long before the Zitravgradian military would march right into it. Reminded of Miroslavsky's past war crime conviction, Dresvyanin tried to settle for negotiation but the rebel leader would also hear none of that. After several weeks of investigation, it appeared that the so-called rebel troops originated from the old nemesis, the Kozavian Empire. The Imperatritsa Onufri Alexeievna would also hear none of that and adamantly denied it. Every side would hear none of the argument or negotiation and the conflict soon turned into a series of skirmishes not too different from the Civil War and ended with Basdon rebel groups dispersing. Nonetheless, it took too long for a region its size and people were again reminded of Miroslavsky's shady national security policies
Appearance and Health (Back to the top)
Getting nails done is
not feminine, it's just
hygiene and look
It is generally accepted that Mr. Miroslavsky has Adychian (IRL: Circassian) ancestry whom relocated to Providenska in late 18th century and mostly intermarried with Zitravians and Kozavians. Broad-shouldered, extremely tall, lightly tanned and muscular, he sets an image of a working man. Nonetheless, he is reportedly overworked and has chronic insomnia as well as "bouts of inexplicable worries and paranoia" stemming from wartime trauma, among other things. One of his eyes (the right one) is a transplant taken from another person (his own torturer, no less). He rejected an offer for a cybernetic eye, which he believes could potentially be targeted in cyber warfare.
Thanks to years of military and police training, Miroslavsky is very athletic, well-built and made to withstand the weathers. He has always been in excellent health but has torture scars from the "routine" over his upper body. Hence, he dresses rather conservatively to hide the scars, some of which are deep and cannot be treated. For a man in his age, he looks rather young, with a head full of neatly-combed black hair and a pair of cold, unfeeling eyes. Wallowing in vanity, he always presents himself well-dressed and well-groomed, with all his clothes tailored to fit him perfectly to the millimeters with the best materials money could buy. He also takes a meticulous care about his appearance, totally unfazed by the idea of grooming and getting things like manicure done in a salon, has his hair in a backcomb and uses damask rose-scented toiletries, notably a masculine counterpart to his wife’s perfume. All this considered, he is seen as "conventionally attractive" by many people but also "intimidating" by some and he is not afraid to utilize this fact with the help of the mass media. He also allegedly has quite a high stamina in carnal matter – but it’s not like you need to know that.
He also used to play polo and fence
regularly before the Revolution
Personal Health Evaluation
195 cm (Above Average)
87 kg (In Range for Healthy Weight)
Yellow-Blue (One Transplant)
HR (Universal Donor)
Physical Health Quotient (PHQ-I)
Alpha (Extremely Good Physique and Immunity)
Intellectual Intuition Quotient (IIQ)
Beta (Above Average Learning and Memory Capacity)
Psychological Health Quotient (PHQ-II)
Epsilon (Below Average Psychological Health)
Education (Back to the top)
Miroslavsky finished his education from St. Vasily Naval Prepatory School and University since junior high school to Bachelor's degree in Political Sciences and earned his Master's degree in Public Safety from the State University of Providenska. A polyglot, he has an excellent command, not only in English but also in Armenian, Adychian, Georgian, Turkish and Polish (although he does admit they get "rusted" from not being used for a while). His other interests include mathematics, philosophy, literature in the aforementioned languages and architecture. Nonetheless, Miroslavsky does not like 'throwing quotes around', even if there have been certain writings that influence him greatly through the years.
According to the man himself, his knowledge of police and military affairs might be wide-ranged, but they are also incredibly trivial, to the point of useless. He was trained in various programs, among those were naval engineering, immigration laws and traffic control. Meanwhile, he is not particularly more knowledgeable in natural sciences than most people and only has average understanding of global history in general. Still, he has some interest in Zitravian history, mostly in military aspect. In his physical education, Miroslavsky has been trained to drive military vehicles, use firearms, swim, skydive, command a battleship and engage in combat with bare hands, knives and batons -- the latter is his personal favorite.
Personality and Personal Life (Back to the top)
He also plays tennis
and can potentially
murder with that racket.
A hard-working and dedicated figure who has mostly good intentions, but also manipulative, tricky and almost sadistic, Miroslavsky is in a way revered and respected, but never loved for his true self. His manner of speech is considered eloquent with rich vocabulary, and his voice is noted as low, cold yet honeyed. His form of intelligence is more theoretical than practical and he is a master of complex details and operations -- he would do everything and anything to achieve his goals and knows to find the right person for the right work. Moreover, he rarely restrains himself with the ideas of "morality" or "fairness", preferring to justify his means however possible and believing in "might makes right" view of the world. Upright, uptight and conservative in his manners, he has a low tolerance for mistake and impropriety. Although his PHQ-II comes out as below average, he has a firm grasp on reality and generally a good grip on his own emotions and in fact is capable of manipulating himself. He is almost too comfortable with the notion of physical and psychological pain, regardless of whether he is giving or receiving. And while he doesn't lose his temper often, it is best to avoid the scene when he does lose it. As this may imply (or maybe not), Miroslavsky is vengeful and malicious -- not the kind of man who will easily forget and forgive old conflicts or resentment.
To outsiders, he appears as a complete enigma, an infallible mind with a byzantine mechanism behind him. Nonetheless, he is rarely alone in his manoeuvres. Miroslavsky works best with trusted friends and comrades. As a friend, Miroslavsky is polite, yet intimate, but far from open and fully honest. Some might actually find this enigma too intimidating, while some might find it fascinating. Kazimir Ivanovich does not encourage a personality cult on his own, but does not turn down anyone who wishes to see him as their saviour. He remembers people quite excellently and knows how to personalize his interactions with them, thus penetrating and manipulating many personalities with ease. However, he does not quite like a situation that he cannot rule, and does quite frankly enjoy the concept of control. Paranoid and careful in his operation, it takes him much time to put his trust in a person and he is always ready to suspect anyone if they even slightly move against his will. His relationship with his own spirituality has been turbulent. While he used to be religious, he gradually became skeptical whether God was worth worshipping rather than anything. He has had experiments with both paganistic thoughts and esoteric matters, and none of them answers his question.
Miroslavsky's personal life revolves around his family. His relationship with his wife has been loving and passionate, even if occasionally bumpy thanks to him being quite unbearably jealous and possessive. In his children's upbringing, he is the stricter parent while his wife seems to almost coddle them. Nonetheless, he is doting and supportive. He plays the role of a traditional father – supporting material needs and instilling values and worldly knowledge for his children. It is said that out of his four children, his only daughter Elizaveta is his favourite while he finds his third child Dmitri less than satisfactory with his quiet and shy personality. (But in complete fairness, the boy is only six years old.) With his first child Vyacheslav and his fourth child Fyodor, he is placing high expectations on them as his successors in military tradition. Meanwhile, his relationships with other family members are also quite well. He takes fair care of his aging grandparents and mother and generally listens to what they have to say and keeps his cousins close at hand, while mostly ignoring his godfather. His relationship with his in-law family is at least on speaking term, even if not intimate -- he and his father-in-law are always engaged in verbal showdowns whenever they are present in the same room.
There are often photos of him engaging in masculine sports like fencing, marksmanship, hunting or horseriding, if not spending time with his wife and children. He is also fairly reserved in his way of dressing, preferring three-piece suits and uniforms and avoiding casuals. According to his family, he also enjoys gardening, tea making and walking his pets. It is only natural for him to strive for a peaceful home life behind the scenes of eternal infighting. Otherwise, he enjoys old music and reading as well as a quiet time with his family. Although no one knows much detail about it, he has a summer dacha in Paplonbrianska which he visits when he has time or has works to do in the northern region.
Those eyes say
a lot about the
basis of their
Apart from his family, Miroslavsky is known for being "overly formal" around other women, thanks to his upbringing and formation years in the military academy, in which its students are segregated by gender. He still holds rather archaic views on how to treat women and thus remains formal and accommodating while keeping reasonable distance. But this mostly stems from his belief that they are essentially the weaker sex. Meanwhile, it won't be wrong to say that he might get too "comfortable" in the company of his male friends. It could also be said that he is somewhat biased when it comes to his "brothers-in-arms". Economically, Miroslavsky is prudent and cautious, but does have a preference for fine quality products. His family has been accumulating a reasonable amount of wealth over two centuries and this sets Miroslavsky's economic situation -- a simple concept of working to earn one's money and saving it for the next generation, usually with a side of investment. Nonetheless, his habit is far from thrifty and he is willing to spend on something he genuinely wants or needs. Of course, he is not beyond spoiling his wife and children with expensive gifts every now and then and he is known to use only high-quality products and smokes imported cigars once in a while. His assets largely from his family's connection and investment in diamond mining and oil drilling industries.
His relationship with his wife deserves to be a topic of its own. Feodora Alexandrovna is more to him than a rather submissive wife who answers his every trivial demand (although he is also content with that idea). She is his other half, whom he relies upon to maintain whatever humanity he has left and any discord between them would mean a countdown to his breakdown. Noticeably, Miroslavsky is much more relaxed and calmer in her presence. It is this co-dependency that keeps his temper in normality, albeit at a sacrifice of her comfort. Miroslavsky is an obsessive, viciously manipulative and possessive partner who is not beyond holding his partner with him with tricks and sheer force, fancying her as a plaything in several moments. Still, it is not as if Feodora Alexandrovna is unintelligent or does not see him through. She is aware of the situation she chose to be in, and while she is in the submissive side of the relationship, she can still rely upon him to take care of her or even die for her, literally or metaphorically, and understand that she has such a power over him that nobody has. It is a fair exchange in both of their opinions.
Trivia - He prefers (and has a wild obsesstion with) tea and will consider coffee a drug for staying up late more than actual beverage. He also drinks moderately and smokes mostly from a pipe or a cigar, although he will accept a cigarette if offered one. The least one discusses about his old drug habit, the better. He was once dependent to opiate and morphine to stop his torture wounds from aching. Nowadays, he considered himself 'clean' and is sensitive when questioned about it. - Miroslavsky sings in baritone, and quite decently at that. He also learned piano as a child but can only play simple tunes. As previously discussed, Miroslavsky is a strict believer of "might makes right" philosophy, and should be considered as a social darwinist in some sense. While willing to take care and accommodate to his people's basic needs (say, heavy subsidization of things like education, healthcare and even welfare), he also has a low opinion of citizens who still fail to take care of themselves despite all those supports -- to the point he takes away their rights to join civil service, relocate or reproduce without the state's permission. This philosophy does not even spare the weaker of his population, like children or elderly citizens -- he also differentiates between respectable and responsible citizens from those who are not, regardless of race, age and gender, as seen by how the new legal code of Zitravgrad is stricter than ever on junevile and senior offenders. Not surprisingly but unfortunately, Miroslavsky has always perceived the idea of living under authority as a fact of life and hence has little qualm against dictatorships personally. In fact, he had problems adjusting to running civilian affairs for a good while. Traditionally, the Workers' Party's doctrines were meant to appeal to blue-collar workers to low-level white collar workers, which means that the Party would concentrate its attention to agricultural, mining, manufacturing, and service industries. Still, the extension of worker's rights would be enforced in almost every industry, including appropriate work hours, paid overtime, welfare, and higher minimum wage than pre-Revolution rates. It was only natural for the state to try getting workers back into rebuilding the economy after so much distraction. Zitravgrad had the advantages of an Auropian economy, having widely accessible education as well as well-trained workforce. As mentioned above, Miroslavsky has a more moderate political standing than the party he represents, but is much more willing to use authority as a tool of governance. With his wolflike instincts, it is not unusual to see Miroslavsky as a pack animal, often providing himself with the company of his like-minded "brothers". Most of his associates are in the military and the law enforcement, thus enabling him to a stronger grasp on his authority without having to wield it all the time. Despite accusations of him being a communist, he was not interested in protecting the Communist Party when it was catapulted out of the Provisional Government. His economic policies can still be considered more left-wing, but it is clear that he is unwilling to push for further nationalization than he has already done (namely utilities, transportation, infrastructure, education, healthcare and half of the mining sector). He is, however, more notable as a civic nationalist and a secularist. It is rumored that his membership in the Eastern Orthodox Church is more of a publicity stunt. In term of culture, he prefers that post-revolution Zitravgradian culture takes a more westernized, materialistic turn and draws a clear line between traditional Zitravia and modern, borderline decadent cosmopolitan arts and literature. Despite being from two obviously opposing parties, the Premier remains an excellent term with the Prime Minister. However, he has a mediocre relationship with the Grand Prince, seeing him as a colleague rather than a superior. In fact, he puts himself above the Grand Prince. After all, it is Miroslavsky who is the head of the state and Grand Prince Viktor is not much more than a cultural symbol. Both men are aware of this fact and Miroslavsky rarely forgets to mention it whenever he can. Otherwise, he is a supporter of automation in the sectors that have insufficient labor, genetically modified food projects and heavy industrialized to replace the agricultural sector that has taken the damage of the nuclear fallout. Interestingly, he has proposed that Zitravgrad can use more nuclear power. Despite being seemingly "bold" and "uncaring" of public opinions, he would at least try to not disturb the people enough that they start another revolution against him. With his "old world charm" and some manipulative tactics, he still has the good graces of the urban population, the conservative bourgeoisie and the senior regional politicians. Interestingly, Miroslavsky also finds a cult following in young, ultranationalistic people who have participated in the Revolution. Miroslavsky is not an excellent diplomat on his own, being rather unyielding and cutthroat, but a good host when it comes to hosting diplomats and negotiations and knows how face-to-face interactions with other leaders can affect his entire nation's standing. Even if he prefers a neutral stance, his status as a revolutionary against the Kozavian Empire automatically means that he is pro-Auropian Union, such and such, because there is no way for any Zitravgradian to turn back to the East without looking like a prodigal son looking for his home. This explains the tight border control and patrol at the Kozavian-Zitravgradian borders. When questioned about his end goals, Miroslavsky would normally claim that he wants Zitravgrad to be one of the pillars of a new movement of republics and post-colonial states against imperialist superpowers. Moreover, he believes in "Final Destination" -- an ideology that marks the advent of trans-postmodern era. While it is "ironic" for such a socially conservative man to believe in it, he actually has tried to implement many aspects of it into his policies, such as eugenicist policy like parental licensing and automation policy in state-run industries, as well as a rejection of religions in political affairs. In fact, it could be said that he is progressive and modern-minded in many aspects. The newest challenge to Miroslavsky is how to operate his counter-terrotism policy under a democratic system. Known for his decisive, often violent and heavy-handed, ways of silencing dissidents and sourcing potential terrorists, Miroslavsky's position is shaken under a system that can question his motives and methods. The Basdon Conflict in 2018 and 2019 was the peak of his growing unpopularity, ironically thanks to the politically-aware voter base that he deemed crucial. His critics commented that he could potentially lead Zitravgrad to another war with Kozavia if he continued to blame the Kozavian government for funding Basdon rebels, even if some basis of truth existed. The conflict ended with the suppression of the rebels without any further discussion (or accusation) with Kozavia. Seeing that democracy will last after his retirement or death, Miroslavsky has set his eyes on potential successors who will at least maintain the Workers' Party in the way he has done and have an understanding of his ideology and methodology -- whichever these are. While not exactly a aficionado of dynastic system, Miroslavsky has chosen young members of his party to learn directly from him and work under him, thus preparing them for the future as the party leader if not also the leader of the nation.
- Miroslavsky has a liking for large, wolf-like dogs, which he uses in hunting. In his opinion, his dogs are well-behaved though not necessarily domesticated, but they are not going to eat his wife's rabbits or cats or anything... probably. That said, all dogs are good in his opinions. He also has a mutant puppy called Cerb. It is actually a coinjoined triplet and normally considered one dog rather than three. To say that he treats his dogs better than some people might not be an overstatement.
Political Views and Works (Back to the top)
- He prefers (and has a wild obsesstion with) tea and will consider coffee a drug for staying up late more than actual beverage. He also drinks moderately and smokes mostly from a pipe or a cigar, although he will accept a cigarette if offered one. The least one discusses about his old drug habit, the better. He was once dependent to opiate and morphine to stop his torture wounds from aching. Nowadays, he considered himself 'clean' and is sensitive when questioned about it.
- Miroslavsky sings in baritone, and quite decently at that. He also learned piano as a child but can only play simple tunes.
As previously discussed, Miroslavsky is a strict believer of "might makes right" philosophy, and should be considered as a social darwinist in some sense. While willing to take care and accommodate to his people's basic needs (say, heavy subsidization of things like education, healthcare and even welfare), he also has a low opinion of citizens who still fail to take care of themselves despite all those supports -- to the point he takes away their rights to join civil service, relocate or reproduce without the state's permission. This philosophy does not even spare the weaker of his population, like children or elderly citizens -- he also differentiates between respectable and responsible citizens from those who are not, regardless of race, age and gender, as seen by how the new legal code of Zitravgrad is stricter than ever on junevile and senior offenders. Not surprisingly but unfortunately, Miroslavsky has always perceived the idea of living under authority as a fact of life and hence has little qualm against dictatorships personally. In fact, he had problems adjusting to running civilian affairs for a good while.
Traditionally, the Workers' Party's doctrines were meant to appeal to blue-collar workers to low-level white collar workers, which means that the Party would concentrate its attention to agricultural, mining, manufacturing, and service industries. Still, the extension of worker's rights would be enforced in almost every industry, including appropriate work hours, paid overtime, welfare, and higher minimum wage than pre-Revolution rates. It was only natural for the state to try getting workers back into rebuilding the economy after so much distraction. Zitravgrad had the advantages of an Auropian economy, having widely accessible education as well as well-trained workforce. As mentioned above, Miroslavsky has a more moderate political standing than the party he represents, but is much more willing to use authority as a tool of governance. With his wolflike instincts, it is not unusual to see Miroslavsky as a pack animal, often providing himself with the company of his like-minded "brothers". Most of his associates are in the military and the law enforcement, thus enabling him to a stronger grasp on his authority without having to wield it all the time. Despite accusations of him being a communist, he was not interested in protecting the Communist Party when it was catapulted out of the Provisional Government. His economic policies can still be considered more left-wing, but it is clear that he is unwilling to push for further nationalization than he has already done (namely utilities, transportation, infrastructure, education, healthcare and half of the mining sector). He is, however, more notable as a civic nationalist and a secularist. It is rumored that his membership in the Eastern Orthodox Church is more of a publicity stunt. In term of culture, he prefers that post-revolution Zitravgradian culture takes a more westernized, materialistic turn and draws a clear line between traditional Zitravia and modern, borderline decadent cosmopolitan arts and literature.
Despite being from two obviously opposing parties, the Premier remains an excellent term with the Prime Minister. However, he has a mediocre relationship with the Grand Prince, seeing him as a colleague rather than a superior. In fact, he puts himself above the Grand Prince. After all, it is Miroslavsky who is the head of the state and Grand Prince Viktor is not much more than a cultural symbol. Both men are aware of this fact and Miroslavsky rarely forgets to mention it whenever he can. Otherwise, he is a supporter of automation in the sectors that have insufficient labor, genetically modified food projects and heavy industrialized to replace the agricultural sector that has taken the damage of the nuclear fallout. Interestingly, he has proposed that Zitravgrad can use more nuclear power. Despite being seemingly "bold" and "uncaring" of public opinions, he would at least try to not disturb the people enough that they start another revolution against him. With his "old world charm" and some manipulative tactics, he still has the good graces of the urban population, the conservative bourgeoisie and the senior regional politicians. Interestingly, Miroslavsky also finds a cult following in young, ultranationalistic people who have participated in the Revolution.
Miroslavsky is not an excellent diplomat on his own, being rather unyielding and cutthroat, but a good host when it comes to hosting diplomats and negotiations and knows how face-to-face interactions with other leaders can affect his entire nation's standing. Even if he prefers a neutral stance, his status as a revolutionary against the Kozavian Empire automatically means that he is pro-Auropian Union, such and such, because there is no way for any Zitravgradian to turn back to the East without looking like a prodigal son looking for his home. This explains the tight border control and patrol at the Kozavian-Zitravgradian borders. When questioned about his end goals, Miroslavsky would normally claim that he wants Zitravgrad to be one of the pillars of a new movement of republics and post-colonial states against imperialist superpowers. Moreover, he believes in "Final Destination" -- an ideology that marks the advent of trans-postmodern era. While it is "ironic" for such a socially conservative man to believe in it, he actually has tried to implement many aspects of it into his policies, such as eugenicist policy like parental licensing and automation policy in state-run industries, as well as a rejection of religions in political affairs. In fact, it could be said that he is progressive and modern-minded in many aspects.
The newest challenge to Miroslavsky is how to operate his counter-terrotism policy under a democratic system. Known for his decisive, often violent and heavy-handed, ways of silencing dissidents and sourcing potential terrorists, Miroslavsky's position is shaken under a system that can question his motives and methods. The Basdon Conflict in 2018 and 2019 was the peak of his growing unpopularity, ironically thanks to the politically-aware voter base that he deemed crucial. His critics commented that he could potentially lead Zitravgrad to another war with Kozavia if he continued to blame the Kozavian government for funding Basdon rebels, even if some basis of truth existed. The conflict ended with the suppression of the rebels without any further discussion (or accusation) with Kozavia. Seeing that democracy will last after his retirement or death, Miroslavsky has set his eyes on potential successors who will at least maintain the Workers' Party in the way he has done and have an understanding of his ideology and methodology -- whichever these are. While not exactly a aficionado of dynastic system, Miroslavsky has chosen young members of his party to learn directly from him and work under him, thus preparing them for the future as the party leader if not also the leader of the nation.
Pictures (Back to the top)
Yet another fact: Miroslavsky has fashion photographers
taking photos of him to use in media,
Now the closer look of the above photo and with smug
Miroslavsky and his wife sitting in the garden together
The First Family together in a public event, sometime in 2009
One of the few times that the First Lady actually smiles
See? He doesn't give two kopecks about being seen or
photographed smoking and things...
This is what appears to be the First Family's most natural state
Being in the midst of nature doesn't mean you are acting
very natural, however.
This one was supposed to be his official photo but his PR
said less sass and more pure intimidation.
The Premier in his formal outfit for an evening event.
His most natural state -- smoking, schemeing and more
but inside his head and we will not ask what's on