7
Wikipedia of Veleste
¦ Wiki of Veleste ¦
¦ Army ¦ Old Army ¦ Armoured Division ¦ Missile Program ¦ Space Program ¦ Air Force ¦ Navy ¦ Border and Coast Guard ¦
Supranational Confederation of Veleste
 De jure Flag | Coat of Arms |
Motto:
Kulturo kaj Kunlaboro fortigas nin!
Culture and Cooperation strenghen us!
Localization
Population: 7.251.900 hab
Density: 551.9 hab/km²
Capital: Porto de Caneva
Largest City: Bartica
Official Language: Esperanto
Recognised languages: Tuscan, Spanish, Portuguese
Gentile: Velestian
Governing Heads:
- Chief of State: Moro-Aldo Fortunato Callegari
- Chief of Govern: Cristiano Porto Bragança
Legislature:
- High Chamber: General Council
- Medium Chamber: National Senates
- Development Chamber: Regional Councils
- Low Chamber: Communal Councils
PIB (nominal): xxx
PIB (nominal) per capita: xxx
HDI: 0.865
Currency: Labornoto (Ƚ$) (LBN)
Driving side: right
Calling Code: +77
Internet TLD: .vl
The name was proposed by Simón José Antonio de la Santísima Trinidad Bolívar y Ponte Palacios y Blanco to give the eastern region of the spanish colonies a proper name during campaigns of liberations against other colonizers, it deverives from the local mestizo warcry "Vel'Est!" which translates to "See the East!". The origin of the warcry however is debatable, many historians refer to it as to the arrival from the East of the liberators led by Bolívar in 1824 to help the locals against the tuscan and portuguese rulers, others theorize it is a warcry from years before in the battle of New Granada in 1819 as the army of Bolívar crossed the Andes to march to the East.
Colonies and Independence
In 1498, Duarte Pacheco Pereira, a military traveller of the Portuguese King Dom Manuel I which was ordered to travel on the Atlantic, discovered land after the Tordesilhas Treaty (between Maranhão and Pará), according to the plan he was ordered by the King to keep any discovery in secret, but Duarte sold the information to the Spanish Kingdom and an attrition war exploded between the two kingdoms to colonize this coast. The Lusitanians claimed the right of the land as they have discovered it, also accusing the Spaniards of espionage. The Spanish, however, denied accusations and simply imposed the treaty which gave them the right to own all coastline of the region. The Pope Alexander VI had to intervene and redivide the line of the Treaty, reestabilishing it near the contemporary division of Essequibo and Canaimã.
Two hundred years later in 1608, the Grand Duchy of Tuscany (ruled by Ferdinando I) started to make their own settlements for exploration and habitation inside of the contemporary region of Guyana Toscana. The French were also prospecting the region but the Tuscans made an agreement with the Carmelite monks and succesfully turned the natives hostile to French colonisers who were kicked out from the region. The presence of the Tuscans was tolerated until when they arrived around the delta of Berbice River, and claimed that land calling it Nuova Firenze creating a prosperous village there, the Portuguese were alerted of their presence and started reclaiming the lands as they imposed the redesigned Tordesilhas Treaty, claiming the Holy See to take action. Pope Paul V intervened but instead benefitted the tuscans by giving them a special permission to colonise between the Oiapoque and the Berbice river, this unilateral decision was made most likely because Paul V was a tuscan. The Portuguese were outraged but eventually decided to respect the decision as long as the Tuscans and Carmelites did not befoul them.
In 1783 was born Simón Bolívar, the liberator of the South America in Caracas. After waging war against the weak spanish crown, Bolívar's unexpected victory in New Granada in 1819 (as part of the Colombian and Venezuelan wars of independence and was one of the many military campaigns fought by Simón Bolívar; his victory in New Granada secured the eventual independence of northern South America), its government was temporarily set up as a federal republic. In its first years, the newly formed Gran Colombia helped other provinces still at war with Spain to become independent: all of Venezuela except Puerto Cabello and Trinity and Tobago was liberated at the Battle of Carabobo, Panama joined the federation in November 1821, and the provinces of Pasto, Guayaquil and Quito in 1822. A failed invasion to retake Trinity and Tobago from the British rule was made in 1823 but the Venezuelans continued to harbor ambitions of asserting their control over the islands. The Gran Colombian army later consolidated the independence of Peru, Essequibo (from Portugal) in 1824 and Guyana Toscana (from Tuscany) in 1825.
As the war against Spain came to an end in the mid-1820s, federalist and regionalist sentiments that had been suppressed for the sake of the war arose once again. There were calls for a modification of the political division, and related economic and commercial disputes between regions reappeared. The strongest calls for a federal arrangement instead came from Venezuela, where there was strong federalist sentiment among the region's liberals, many of whom had not fought in the war of independence but had supported Spanish liberalism in the previous decade and who now allied themselves with the conservative Commandant General of the Department of Venezuela, José Antonio Páez, against the central government.
In 1826, Venezuela came close to seceding from Gran Colombia. That year, Congress began impeachment proceedings against Páez, who resigned his post on April 28 but reassumed it two days later in defiance of the central government. Support for Páez and his revolt—which came to be known as the Cosiata (a Venezuelan colloquialism of the time meaning "the insignificant thing") in Venezuelan history—spread throughout Venezuela, aided by the fact that it did not explicitly stand for anything, except defiance to the central government.
In November two assemblies met in Venezuela to discuss the future of the region, but no formal independence was declared at either. That same month, skirmishes broke out between the supporters of Páez and Bolívar in the east and south of Venezuela. By the end of the year, Bolívar was in Maracaibo preparing to march into Venezuela with an army, if necessary. Ultimately, political compromises prevented this. In January, Bolívar offered the rebellious Venezuelans a general amnesty and the promise to convene a new constituent assembly before the ten-year period established by the Constitution of Cúcuta, and Páez backed down and recognized Bolívar's authority. The reforms, however, never fully satisfied the different political factions in Gran Colombia, and no permanent consolidation was achieved. The instability of the state's structure was now apparent to all.
In 1828, the new constituent assembly, the Convention of Ocaña, began its sessions. At its opening, Bolívar again proposed a new constitution based on the Bolivian one, but this suggestion continued to be unpopular. The convention fell apart when pro-Bolívar delegates walked out rather than sign a federalist constitution. As the collapse of the country became evident in 1830, Bolívar resigned from the presidency. Internal political strife between the different regions intensified even as General Rafael Urdaneta temporarily took power in Bogotá, attempting to use his authority to ostensibly restore order, but actually hoping to convince Bolívar to return to the presidency and the country to accept him. The federation finally dissolved in the closing months of 1830 and was formally abolished in 1831. Venezuela, Ecuador, New Granada, Essequibo and Guyana Toscana came to exist as independent states.
Republics Period and Surgement of Canaimã
After gaining independence from Gran Colombia, the nations followed a trend of politics influenced by heroes of the wars, mostly military officers. In July 1835 the Revolution of the Reforms in Venezuela led by José Tadeo Monagas outed José Maria Vargas, an ally of Páez. Monagas, the leader of the rebellion, had served as a distinguished independence-war general. Paéz intervened and threatened Monagas with retaliation if he did not back down. Although defeated, Monagas suffered few consequences because he had his base in the Eastern llanos, a region where Páez had no effective control. Besides, Monagas had as much right as Páez to count among the "liberators" of Venezuela and he had the additional credential that, whereas Páez had turned his back on Bolivar's Gran Colombia, he, at least in principle, had manifested his allegiance to it until its disintegration was irremediable.
Three days after José Tadeo Monagas' resignation by power pressure from Páez, Julián Castro seized the Presidency in a coup d'état orchestrated by Páez. Castro became the first military President who had not fought in the War of Independence. Castro was a creature of the Caracas-Valencia oligarchy and not very effectual. During his presidency, there was a proliferation of aspiring caudillos in Caracas itself and he exiled them all. This was what provoked the Great War of the Caudillos, called in Venezuelan historiography the Guerra Federal or the Federalist War, although federalism was not what these men really had in mind. Castro was not competent either as president or as soldier and he handed power to the civilians of the oligarchy, who were soon being overwhelmed by insurrections in the central and western llanos, with Federalist leaders including Ezequiel Zamora.
The Great War of the Caudillos turned into a fierce stalemate between both sides of the Orinoco River as the Federalists had to retreat from the succesful advances of the Conservatives led by Páez, with many sides suffering severe losses. In 1863 peace talks began as the war was far from ending, and in 1865 a peace treaty was signed with Venezuela being divided in two by the Federalists and the Conservative Government. It was the start of the United States of Canaimã, led by Ezequiel Zamora and the federalists situated on the right side of the Orinoco River, while Venezuela continued to exist, reigned de jure by Castro and de facto by Páez, remaining on the left side.
Throughout the decades, The Republic of Essequibo almost always maintained aligned with Bolívar during his government, and continued to do so until his death. This was mostly relevant because of the heavy tax burden the portuguese inflicted on the former colony, which was nulled when Bolívar conquered the region in 1824. His influence was fierce in the republic's politics, with Essequibo actively helping the federalists led by Ezequiel Zamora, who was a close officer of Bolívar. After the end of the Great War of the Caudillos in 1865, Canaimã and Essequibo became allies and it was proposed among the federalist leaders the formation of a new Gran Colombia starting off between Essequibo and Canaimã, but the idea was still young and Canaimã was in a reconstruction period after the war.
Guyana Toscana however was platonic in the matter of the Gran Colombia government of Bolívar, since the tuscans were also very punitive with taxes, but offered plenty of opportunities to explore the land by handing out land both to nobles and settlers. With the takeover of Bolívar in 1825 most of the administrative system was kept intact since it had prosperous results, this policy was known by the Guyanese as "tutto com' gh'era" which meant "as it always was".
The three nations in 1865: United States of Canaimã (1865), Republic of Essequibo (1824) and Guyana Toscana (1825).
War against Brazil and Great Britain
By the mid-19th century, Trinidad and Tobago had become an important British colonial possession due to its strategic location and abundant resources. After the formation of Canaimã, its constitution was being settled in 1865 as rumors about the discovery of Oil in Trinidad and Tobago by the American Merrimac Oil Company had been going since 1857. Ezequiel Zamora was always fond of striking the British and retake the island which was apart of the former Captaincy General of Venezuela, revenging the spanish people who had settled the island before their invasion in 1797, and revenging the dead heroes who died during the first invasion attempt in 1823. The latest discoveries and production of oil from the American civil engineer Walter Darwent in 1867 gave Zamora the will to invade the British island colonies, the Canaimans emphasized historical claims to the islands arguing that they had been unjustly taken from Venezuela during the colonial era. They also highlighted economic benefits such as control over valuable natural resources, trade routes, and access to the Caribbean Sea. They aimed to rally support by portraying the invasion as a patriotic act to regain lost Venezuelan territory and strengthen national pride.
The Canaimans meticulously planned their invasion, assembling a sizable force comprising both regular army units and local volunteers. Essequibo directly supported their neighbor with ammunition and volunteers. Both nations utilized covert diplomacy to secure support from neighboring countries, such as Colombia, which sympathized with their cause. Venezuela firstly remained neutral but later diplomatically suppoted its archenemy Canaimã after agreeing that the Caribbean would be more peaceful without the British Crown. In March 1867, the Canaiman invasion force launched a surprise attack on the British garrison in Trinidad and Tobago. Their initial success caught the British off guard, and the invading forces quickly gained control over key strategic locations on both islands.
Recognizing the strategic importance of maintaining control over Trinidad and Tobago, the British government entered into negotiations with the Brazilian Empire, highlighting their shared concerns regarding Zamora's expansionist ambitions and potential destabilization of the region, as he was seen as the new Bolívar in South America. Brazil was in the middle of a war against Paraguay and was not keen in entering another war which meant creating a new front, the British however offered a large amount of weaponry to assist the brazilians in both wars and Dom Pedro II agreed to provide military support to Britain. This alliance bolstered the British forces with additional troops, naval assets and resources, creating a formidable coalition against Canaimã. The Crown also invited Guyanna Toscana to the coalition, promising rewards of lands and investments in return, but the republic denied and remained neutral as it was more profitable to sell to both parties vital resources such as food and fabric.
With the combined might of British and Brazilian forces, the coalition launched a counteroffensive against both Canaimã and Essequibo in late 1867. The British Royal Navy blockaded Canaiman ports, cutting off vital supplies and isolating Zamora's forces. Meanwhile, Brazilian troops, supported by superior firepower, began a coordinated land invasion from the south of both nations making a rendevouz point in the municipality of Boa Vista, attacking both Canaiman and Essequibean territories. Despite facing a formidable coalition, the Canaimans and Essequibeans rallied its military and civilian population to defend their homeland in the south. They employed guerrilla warfare tactics, exploiting their knowledge of the terrain and engaging in hit-and-run attacks to disrupt the Brazilian advance.
As the conflict wore on, the British-Brazilian alliance faced mounting difficulties: on the Trinity and Tobago front, the advances of the Canaiman forces on the islands progressed as the British stood ground on sea to inflict naval conflitcs and continue the blockade, trying to intercept more land invasions as the island was already been taken. The local garrison could not hold the attacks of Zamora who obtained high ground on the island valleys, constantly changing the attack points to avoid being spotted. On the Roraima front, the deep Amazon forest combined with the tenacious resistance from the local indigenous forces, inflicted heavy casualties on the invading brazilian troops. The coalition's supply lines became stretched, leading to logistical challenges and diminishing morale among their ranks. Recognizing their advantage, Essequibo launched a series of strategic offensives towards Boa Vista and its São Joaquim do Rio Branco Fort in mid-1868, targeting weakened coalition positions to the southwest of Tacutu River border. The Essequibean military also formed alliances with indigenous groups and local militias, further bolstering their ranks and resistance efforts. Ultimately the São Joaquim do Rio Branco Fort was flanked and taken in early 1869 without much casualties and Boa Vista had fallen to the Essequibeans.
After the fall of Boa Vista, Dom Pedro II, the Emperor of Brazil, gave an ultimatum letter to the Guyana Toscana government which had been neutral throughout the hole conflict: join the coalition and attack the weakened Essequibean coast, or suffer the British blockade and a firm Brazilian invasion. This bold move by the Emperor was seen as a blatant disrespect from the Guyanese who turned to Zamora and sought assistance, Zamora promised that Guyana would recieve all assistance if it was invaded by Brazil. Guyanna Toscana then historically replied to the letter writing back to Pedro II: "Heathens upon thy coalition, we shall never bow under any threats.", this marked the entry of the nation to the war in 1869.
Canaimã, Essequibo and Guyanna Toscana, buoyed by their people's determination and resourcefulness, managed to turn the tide of the war by mid-1869. They inflicted heavy losses upon the British and Brazilian forces, exploiting their overextended supply lines and capitalizing on internal divisions within the coalition. As the conflict reached its climax, the British and Brazilian governments realized the futility of continuing the war. Acknowledging the three republics resilience and the increasing international pressure to de-escalate the conflict, they reluctantly agreed to a ceasefire in early 1870.
The unexpected victory of Canaimã in repelling the British-Brazilian intervention had far-reaching consequences. The Resolution of Rio Branco written in 26th July of 1870 was an unilateral peace deal for the war: the former Gran Colombian republics solidified its control over the disputed territories, annexed Trinity and Tobago from the British, the region of Roraima and Amapá from the Brazilian Grão-Pará, and gained international recognition for its defense of national sovereignty. This victory boosted Canaimã's regional standing and enhanced its bargaining power in future diplomatic negotiations. For Britain and Brazil, the failed intervention marked a significant blow to their colonial aspirations and raised questions about their military strategies and diplomatic decisions. The conflict strained the relationship between the two nations and reshaped their policies regarding territorial disputes in the Caribbean region. Dom Pedro II popularity largely decreased because of this adventure which had nothing to do with the country, as the British called them in the war, years later he would be couped by his own military.
Early 1870 Veleste had the shape of its contemporary borders.
Military Alliance of Veleste
In the late 19th century, the South American continent witnessed a remarkable transformation in the geopolitical landscape. Three nations, the United States of Canaimã, the Republic of Essequibo, and the Republic of Guyana Toscana, found themselves standing at the crossroads of history after defeating the Anglo-Brazilian coalition in 1870. Having recently emerged from a devastating regional conflict, these nations saw an opportunity to forge a new path towards stability, prosperity, and regional influence. The Resolution of Rio Branco ceded a large sum of territories to the republics and undermined their strongest neighboor Brazil that besides winning the war against Paraguay, entered into a economic crisis perpetrated by inflation.
Between 1870 and 1889 Brazil's Empire was slowly decading as it struggled to maintain its political apparatus as liberalism, illuminism and positivist ideologies were entrenched within its government and despite not being a Mason, Dom Pedro II was very fond of pleasing the liberal intellectuals and their media. This appease became his downfall since despite ending slavery the liberals were outraged by its lateness. With nothing but the navy and the general populace supporting them, the downfall was prescripted. In 1889 the brazilian Emperor Dom Pedro II was couped by his own mililtary for various reasons including internal conflicts between masonry within his government and the Church, the constant discredit of his army in favour of the navy, his ministers being technocrats and constantly interfering in the military composed by technicians, the Lei Áurea which extinguished slavery in Brazil without compensating the slave owners who then became republicans, etc. This was all witnessed by the three republics which began talks about a possible union and a formation of a bigger and mightier republic that would directly compete with Brazil as being a superpower in South America.
WIP
Sucre: 1.792.582 pop
Monagas: 1.810.886
Delta Amacuro: 558.920
Bolívar: 2.351.606
Anzoátegui: 2.449.578
Amazonas: 244.133
Guyana: 1.323.680
Suriname: 996.496
French Guyana: 508.301
Konfederacia Regiono de Sucre (Confederative Region of Sucre): Porto de Caneva
República d'Essequibo (Essequibo Republic): Bartica
Estados Unidos del Canaimã (United States of Canaima): Canaimã
Guyanna Toscana (Tuscan Guyana): Nuova Firenze
WIP
Total Population | Density | Growth Rate (since last census 2020) | Total Fertility Rate | Life Expectancy at Birth |
~9,5m |
3,105/sq km | 7,2% |
1.68 children born/woman | 84 YEARS |
Wi | Race and Ethnicity | — White | 44.6% |
Wi | Religious Affiliations | — Catholic | 75.2% |
Wi | Income | — Upper Class (University Teachers, Government) | 11.3% |
Wi | Ages | — 0 - 14 Years | 16.1% |
Cousine
Different cultural regions have created several typical dishes that are different from the rest of the world by the rustic, simple and organic method of the countryside. Velestian cousine is influenced by its european (italian, spanish and portuguese) and indigenous traditions. Food staples include corn, rice, plantains, yams, beans and several meats. Potatoes, tomatoes and onions are also common side dishes in the velestian diet.
Music
Music is the most acclaimed art of Veleste, especially folk and cultural music, important productions are adaptations of songs from other countries that keeps the melody and adapts the lyrics. The current trend are military and cultural choirs with four voices. There are also significant contributions from Background Rock, Bossa Nova, and old religious chants.
Sports
Veleste has a very strong tradition in sports, especially in football and rowing: the nation holds many international and continental achievements on both these sports. Canoeing, fencing, shooting and archery are also very popular sports, although the last three being relatively new to the history of local sports. E-sports are becoming very popular in Veleste in the recent years, with many amateur championships being held.
See also: Velestian Football Confederacy
Games
Veleste has several indie developers that produce a variety of medium to low budget games, the most expensive games and hardware are few but can be found to rent in places called Videoludos (similar to cybercafé's) where children, adults and teenagers meet and play together on computers and consoles.
Fashion
In most regions, clothing represents what you work with, the use of colored collars along with dress shirts and overcoats have been present in everyday life since they were introduced in the last century. On holidays and weekends, casual and informal clothing are more common.
Holidays
Holidays are closely related to Saints' Day and regional battles during the end of colonial rule. One particular custom is that when one or more professions has its Saint's Day they are most likely to refrain from working. Almost all communes have their colonial liberation day which is settled on the day of a victory of the liberators.
Dances
The art of dance is a cultural heritage practiced by several inhabitants: in Veleste there are many folk dance groups that are based on their countries of origin, they portray their mother culture for society by making performances on shows, festivals, etc.
Festivals
Civic festivals are often connected to cultural and folk movements, confederational holidays are marked with tradition of military parades and History Reenacting.
Language
In a territory that is spoken italian, portuguese and spanish, a common language was necessary for better communication between regions, for this reason Esperanto was adopted by the Confederation in 1994. Today more than 93% of the population speaks this language built thanks to a great educational effort in literacy in the last century.
Literature
Literature in Veleste is an area with many critics who call some poems meaningless to subjection and others masterpieces. Academic literature is extensively propagated with several works having their own antithesis made by other researchers. Fictional genres are not very popular as many disregard lots of them as a worth reading, however there are few acclaimed works that subsequently turned into movies.
Deep Culture
Communication Rules
A handshake with hats off is the norm before starting to communicate formally or somewhat formally. Non-programmed meetups are not common and most people stop to talk when they meet a friend or colleague on the street instead of just saying "Hi!" and walk away.
Styles of Communication
Tourists are recommended to use Esperanto to communicate with velestians, although speaking their local language is also respectful. Usage of swearing is very common among elder people, but don't be afraid.
Notions of Ethics
Ethics is very connected to the education, the higher the education the more comformed the individual is. But in general, almost all velestians follow christian dogmas which gives a sense of trust among them as they mostly don't put money over what is fair.
Notions of Leadership
A leader in Veleste is someone who has experience, merit, honor and achievements. There is a strong bias of meritocracy within velestian culture.
Notions of Beauty
Patterns of body beauty is not very common and ethinicity is not really a matter of taboo. However the miscigenation of cultures (e.g.: a canaiman marrying a guyanese) is a very troublesome matter in velestian society as it is considered dyeing incorrectly the lineage of the family.
Attitude towards elderly
Elders are very respected and honored within the society, especially those who are patriarchs and veterans, they are the most engaged with politics within communes.
Attitude towards children
Children in Veleste are very required to show respect to elder people and to adopt their parents costumes. Schools in Veleste have Morals and Ethics Class to children of age 10 to 16, which they are taught various topics regarding of good manners, ideal behaviour, metaethics, applied ethics, and normative ethics.
Attitude towards death
Death is the end of journey on the terrestrial plane. Velestians think that the death of a person is the satisfaction of the Higher deeds. Funerals of natural deaths are very festive and most elders have a list of what they want the family to do before lowering the coffin, such as a big party. Funerals of unnatural deaths are not as festive, and the younger the dead person is, more painful the cerimony becomes.
Concepts of Time, Past and Future
Velestians believe that the time spent on Earth is a test of God, which on the end of the life will be judged according to what the person did. Past is considered the path walked, but it is not very much considered to where a person is, since many believe that someone shall not be judged by it. Future is for the ambitions and merits to the achieved on the path of the moment.
Concepts of Family
Family is the most important part of a being since it preceeds who they are on society: unhonored families are often discriminated and have to move to another commune or region in order to survive.
Concepts of Justice
Veleste has a profound sense of justice, the concept of "not guilty until proven" is taken deeply seriously. Accusing someone of something is a really serious deal that can lead to juditial and societal reprisal if not proven. It is not uncommon to see citizens decreting arrests since they have the constitutional right to do so, many male adults who lives or walks by troublesome areas carry handcuffs and guns to enforce their own security. Vigilantism is emphasized by the Confederation since it greatly reduced crime rates.
Anthem
The anthem is mandatory at the swearing-in of the Representatives, for opening and closing sessions of the General Council and for official state ceremonies. It is played on television and radio at the beginning and end of the broadcast day. If programming is continuous, the anthem is played once at 0600 hours, or slightly earlier at 0458 hours. The anthem is also played on New Year's Eve after the New Year Address by the Representatives. It is played at sporting events in Veleste and abroad, according to the protocol of the organisation hosting the games. According to the law, when the anthem is played officially, everybody must stand up (in case the national flag is raising, facing to the flag), men must remove their headgear (in practice, excluding those in military uniform and clergymen). Uniformed personnel must give a military salute when the anthem plays.
Written and composed by Aldo Ferrara in 1995, the Confederational Anthem of Veleste has no official name attributed, but it is popularily referenced as the "Mighty Eagle Praire"
Lyrics:
Trans la maro estas tero, lando de paco, de espero.
De homoj plenaj de emocio, kiu kredas in unio.
Saluton Velesto, sur ĉio!
Inter kolizioj kaj pardonoj, ni staras kune kiel unu.
Kunigitaj sub la aglo tio kontrolas la nacioj.
Saluton Velesto, al la venko!
Translation:
Beyond the sea there is a land, a land of peace, of hope.
Of people full of emotion, that believes in union
Hail Veleste, upon everything!
Amidst collisions and pardons, we stand together as one.
United under the eagle that controls the nations.
Hail Veleste, to the victory!
Veleste is a semi-direct stratocratic confederative minarchy based on councils at different levels: communal, regional, state and confederational.
The Communal Council is the legislative power of a commune, while the Sheriff is the juditial and executive one. Both are elected by the direct vote of inhabitants of its commune. Communes are the smallest division of the system and they cannot declare independence. The communes inside a region have its own juditial persona called Sheriff, they can order the Confederation to help the commune with logistics if a famine or natural catastrophe happens, to relocate troops there for border protection or even to contain mass riots. The Sheriffs' work is to enforce security protecting its inhabitants and judge cases giving out sentences while the Communal Council or the legislative body decides the policies and laws of the commune such as abortion and age of consent.
The regions inside a nation consist of an area that are mostly or vastly connected economically and/or culturally. The Regional Council is made up of those who are elected by the people of certain region compesed of communes with similar characteristics for their contributions to logistics, agriculture, and the development of that region. Regional Councilers are tasked with creating economical and social projects to be subsidized by communes and/or states. They also discuss matters of intern necessities, holding discussions about inter-communal problems and how they can be solved.
The State Senate is elected by the direct vote of the population of the specific state and the number of senators are tied its proportion in comparison with other States of the Confederation. States are often subsidizers of development and cultural programs since the Confederation is merely minarch (only spends with security). There are no such thing as State Pontiffs or governors since the Second Democratic Reform.
The Confederate or General Council is composed of rotatory seats that changes whenever a national Senator is elected four times in a row. In the fourth election win he has to appoint his surrogate to take his Senator seat, after that he moves to take the seat in the General Council. It is not a legislative body like the others below its sphere, but a judiciary and consultative body that the Representatives interact before making decisions, however, after the Second Democratic Reform the Council can also veto decisions if the majority vote for such. The Exterior and Interior Representatives are the Head of State and Government respectively. According to the main constitution written by Ezequiel Zamora in 1872, the pontiffs of Veleste, whatever their denomination or power, must always be active military men of high command rank, elected by commisioned officers. However, since the Second Democratic Reform, any active and reserve personnel can be a candidate and Representatives have been elected with direct vote of all active and reserve military personnel, regardless of their rank.
Overview
Credits: Filteries
Flags
Vexillological Symbol:
Vexillological Symbol:
Vexillological Symbol:
Vexillological Symbol:
See also: 
Vexillological symbol
The Velestian flag was designed to represent the Buteogallus solitarius or the Solitary eagle covered in blood on its beek and claws, demonstrating its furious taint of a previous prey. It represents the sacrifice of the liberators and warriors of those lands and their former bloody victory.
The original and official eagle must always be turned its head to its right, while any other representation of it must be turned to its left, this is exemplified on the War Flag which depicts the eagle used by the Velestian Confederative Army and the eagle used in the shield of the Velestian Football Confederation which are both unofficial and turned to the left. This represents a sign of respect to the original design drawn by Aldo di Castillo.
Heads of State and Government
Power is divided between the Extern Representor (Head of State) and the Intern Representor (Head of Government)
Intern Representor: Cristiano Porto Bragança
Extern Representor: Moro-Aldo Fortunato Callegari
General Council
Guyanna Toscana: Emanuelle Lorenzonni, Marcello Falchetto, Maria D'Altoè
República d'Essequibo: Torrão Batista, André Magalhães, Tadeu Cunha
Estados Unidos del Canaimã: Alejandro Viega, Maxim Costa, Juan Pablo Castillo
Mutual Defense Agreement
Preamble:
The undersigned nations, hereinafter referred to as "Parties," recognizing the need for collective security and the preservation of peace, and desiring to strengthen mutual cooperation in defense matters, hereby enter into this Confederational Mutual Defense Agreement ("Agreement") in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter and international law.
Article 1: Purpose and Scope
The Parties agree to establish a framework for mutual defense and cooperation within the Confederate Army to deter and respond collectively to acts of aggression or threats to the security and territorial integrity of any Party.
This Agreement shall apply to all Parties who have ratified or acceded to it in accordance with their respective domestic procedures.
Article 2: Mutual Assistance and Defense Obligations
In the event of an armed attack or threat to the security of any Party, all other Parties shall consider it as an attack against themselves and shall take immediate and appropriate measures, individually and collectively, to assist the attacked Party, including the use of armed force.
Each Party retains the inherent right of self-defense as enshrined in Article 51 of the United Nations Charter.
Article 3: Consultation and Cooperation
The Parties judiciary systems shall engage in regular consultations to exchange information, assess potential threats, and coordinate defense policies and strategies.
The Parties' populations shall promote joint military exercises, training programs, and capacity-building initiatives to enhance interoperability and collective defense capabilities of the Confederate Army.
Article 4: Peaceful Settlement of Disputes
The Parties shall seek to resolve any disputes or conflicts that may arise among them through peaceful and constitutional means within the General Council.
No Party shall resort to the threat or use of force against any other Party in settling disputes.
Article 5: Non-Interference
The Parties shall respect the sovereign equality and territorial integrity of each other and shall refrain from any action that undermines the political independence, sovereignty, or legitimate interests of any Party.
The Parties shall not interfere in the internal affairs of any other Party.
Article 6: Assistance and Cooperation Measures
The Parties' regions may provide each other with assistance, including military, logistical, and humanitarian aid, in response to natural disasters, emergencies, or other crisis situations, upon request or as agreed upon through consultations.
The Parties shall cooperate in areas of defense technology, research and development, intelligence sharing, and other relevant fields to enhance their collective defense capabilities.
Article 7: Entry into Force and Amendment
This Agreement shall enter into force upon ratification.
Amendments to this Agreement shall be made by mutual consent of the Parties and shall enter into force after being ratified or acceded to by all Parties.
Article 8: Depository and Languages
The original text of this Agreement, in the Esperanto, English, Portuguese, Tuscan and Spanish languages, shall be deposited with a designated depository, which shall promptly transmit certified copies to all Parties.
In case of any discrepancy between the language versions, the Esperanto text shall prevail.
Economic Cooperation Deal
Preamble:
The undersigned nations, hereinafter referred to as "Parties," recognizing the importance of economic cooperation and the mutual benefits derived from enhanced trade, investment, and economic collaboration, hereby enter into this Confederational Economic Cooperation Deal ("Deal") with the aim of fostering sustainable economic growth, promoting development, and reducing economic disparities.
Article 1: Objectives
The Parties commit to promoting open, transparent, and inclusive economic systems that facilitate the free flow of goods, services, and investments among the Parties.
The Parties aim to enhance economic cooperation, expand trade opportunities, and promote investment to achieve shared prosperity and sustainable development.
The Parties recognize the importance of addressing socio-economic and environmental challenges, including poverty, inequality, climate change, and resource depletion, through joint efforts and collaboration.
Article 2: Trade and Investment Facilitation
The Parties shall strive to eliminate barriers to trade, including tariffs, non-tariff measures, and other restrictions, while respecting each Party's domestic laws and regulations.
The Parties shall work towards creating a favorable investment climate, including by promoting transparent and predictable investment policies, protecting intellectual property rights, and facilitating cross-border investment flows.
The Parties shall explore opportunities to enhance trade facilitation measures, simplify customs procedures, and reduce trade costs to promote efficient and seamless trade among the Parties.
Article 3: Sectoral Cooperation
The Parties shall identify priority sectors for cooperation, such as agriculture, industry, services, technology, energy, infrastructure, and tourism, and promote collaboration and exchange of best practices in these sectors.
The Parties shall encourage joint investment projects, technology transfer, and knowledge-sharing initiatives to enhance productivity, competitiveness, and sustainable development in the identified sectors.
The Parties shall promote capacity-building programs and technical assistance to support the development of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and foster entrepreneurship and innovation.
Article 4: Financial Cooperation
The Parties shall explore avenues for financial cooperation, including the establishment of investment funds, joint financing mechanisms, and credit facilities to support priority projects and initiatives.
The Parties shall encourage the exchange of information and experiences on financial regulations, banking practices, and risk management to foster a stable and resilient financial sector.
The Parties shall collaborate to attract foreign direct investment and promote cross-border capital flows while ensuring the integrity and stability of the financial system.
Article 5: Sustainable Development and Environmental Protection
The Parties shall promote sustainable development practices that integrate economic growth, social development, and environmental protection.
The Parties shall cooperate in areas such as renewable energy, biodiversity conservation, and sustainable resource management to address common environmental challenges.
The Parties shall encourage corporate social responsibility and responsible business practices, including promoting sustainable supply chains and respecting labor rights.
Article 6: Dispute Settlement
The Parties shall endeavor to resolve any disputes or disagreements arising from the interpretation or implementation of this Deal through dialogue and consultation.
In case of failure to reach a mutually satisfactory resolution, the Parties may consider the use of mediation within the General Council.
Article 7: Entry into Force, Amendment
This Deal shall enter into force upon ratification or accession by a majority of the Parties in accordance with their respective domestic procedures.
Amendments to this Deal shall be made by mutual consent of the Parties and shall enter into force after being ratified or acceded to by all Parties.
Article 8: Depository and Languages
The original text of this Agreement, in the Esperanto, English, Portuguese, Tuscan and Spanish languages, shall be deposited with a designated depository, which shall promptly transmit certified copies to all Parties.
In case of any discrepancy between the language versions, the Esperanto text shall prevail.
United Defensive Forces (Old army of the 19th century)
Quite specialized and with millions of funding to investments, the economy grows as product demands rise. The "more quality, less production" principle is exercised in the agriculture which makes Veleste goes in top places in flavor. The belic industry is the most qualified of the nation, while tourism remains one of the most important together with automobile manufacturing. Agriculture and information technology are also backbones of the domestic production.
Pictures of a arms manufacturer, coffe plantation, hardware facility and an automobile line assembly
Taxation and Subsidies
Credits: Filteries
Budget and Expenditure
Credits: Filteries
International Trades
Credits: NSEconomics
Monetary Policy
Veleste does not have any official physical monetary cedule since 2015, this means that every transaction is digital, every citizen above the age of 14 can acquire the Labornoto Kard or Labour Note Card and be eligible to use the currency. The card is universal so every bank has to use it, it is also confederational and can be used anywhere, even internationally.
- The Labornoto Kard (Labour Note Card) displays:
the bank logo on the front (lower-right) and on the back (on the right)
the coat of arms on the front (upper-right)
the confederational seal on the back (lower-left)
