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Menteng Papers: Official Guiding Framework to Restore the Republic [IC]


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(1) This classified article is Fox-Site's general report on the content of the Menteng Papers, and not the documents itself.

(2) All inner members of the Alliance to Restore the Republic must update themselves with the detail of this framework before 1 April 1998. For security reasons, please contact your branch coordinator for further information.

(3) Today is: Tuesday, 3 March 1998

Committee of Nine, leadership council of the Alliance to Restore the Republic that represents different factions


Under pressure from oil price collapse, severe economic and technological stagnation, grilling independence wars in India, Iran, and Africa, and internal turmoil, the Khilafah Islamiyah empire has been rapidly collapsing by late 1990's. Sensing growing opportunity, the top leadership of the Alliance to Restore the Republic, also known as the Panitia Sembilan or "Committee of Nine", met at Megawathi's compound in Menteng, Central Zakar'tah in December 1997, along with a few notable Republiken figures. The timing is almost immediately after the incredible success of the 212 Superpeaceful Action. Key topics includes plans to prevent power struggle at all cost – at least until independence is successfully proclaimed, post-revolution power-sharing, identification of potential ally and threats for the Republikens and how to deal with them. In general, the meeting results in this four points of agreement:
  1. Governor-General Sourheart must be deposed before 1 June 1998 through a kudeta merangkak (crawling coup). Hostile elements, from inside and outside the archipelago must be managed and resolved before 1 June 1999.

  2. An independence referendum must 1) be backed by the support of the US, China, and a UN resolution, and 2) be conducted before 1 August 1999. Subsequent independence proclamation must be read at 17 August 1999.

  3. A transitional government called the "Development Restoration Cabinet" will govern Dwipantara until full de facto and de jure independence is secured.

  4. Minimizing violence, civil war, and bloodbath is of a priority for the Alliance and the future transitional Republiken government.

Amien Rassi, Rein Divine Alatas, Brig. Gen. Fachrul Raiz, and Sjarifuddin Kartasasmita were then comissioned to plan out the details of implementation. Here are the agreed composition plan for the future transitional Republiken government, as written in the Menteng Papers. It details the power sharing plan between pro-Republiken military generals, party leaders, moderate ulemas, and government technocrats.


Transitional government plan in the event of the overthrow of Governor-General H.M. Sourheart







B.J. Habeibi


Currently serving as Sourheart's Vice Governor, secretly harbors Republiken sympathies. Will serve as the interim head of state until new elections are held.

Vice Governor-General

Megawathi Sukarnaputri


Boss of both the Alliance to Restore the Republic and its leadership, the Committee of Nine. To also assume the role of de facto prime minister.

Minister of Defense and Security

Lt. Gen. Wintarto


Boss of the "Red-White" military faction. Currently also a member of Sourheart's cabinet, serving as the province's chief of the armed forces.

Minister of Internal Affairs

Brig. Gen. Susilo 'SBJ' B. Judhajana


Neutral military leader with democratic tendencies, to be approached after Operation Wrath of Allah is concluded.

Minister of Foreign Affairs

Brig. Gen. (ret.) Lutarch Pandjaitan


Member of the Committee of Nine. Also responsible for the coordination of foreign investment affairs.

Minister of Economy

Amien Rassi


Member of the Committee of Nine. Portofolio includes industry, agriculture, forestry, and tourism. May appoint two other ministers if necessary.

Minister of Justice / Attorney General

Sjarifuddin Kartasasmita


Member of the Committee of Nine. The province's incumbent attorney general, currently tasked in exposing corruption and waging lawfare against the Islamists.

Minister of Finance

Rizal Rilmy


Economist popular for his fierce and thorough criticism against the Khilafah's economic policies.

Minister of Trade

Kwik Kuan Guan


Chinese-Christian economist, tasked to remove trade barriers to foreign non-Muslim powers.

Minister of Transport

Sofjan Djalal


Minister of Public Works

Jusuf Kali


Founder of the Kali Group conglomeracy, influental oligarch behind the PKI regime who now has fully changed allegiance

Minister of State-Owned Enterprises

Tarni Abeng


Currently serving as the province's SOE chief, has been cooperating with Republiken activists to fight entrenched corruption.

Minister of Information

Fathir F. Gothan


The province's incumbent information chief and owner of the Rajawali media conglomerate. Uncle of popular student and TV figure Rein Divine, suspected to harbor strong Republiken sympathy.

Minister of Health and Welfare

Alif Haz


A neutral Islamist figure unrelated to the Republiken movement, is appointed as candidate to foster a sense of national unity.

Minister of Labor

Hasta Christianta


Chosen to represent the hardline socialist PRD and its labor unions due to him being a relatively agreeable moderate.

Minister of Energy and Resources

Hatta Rajasawangsa


Tasked to seize Dwipantaran mines and energy infrastructure from Arabic sayyids, mafias, and military warlords.

Minister of Education

Djuwanda Suradana


Minister of Religious Affairs

Quraish Alatas


A famous and influential Muslim cleric and habib who advocated for democracy and Pantjasila secularism, seen as one of the leaders of the moderate Islam along with Gus Dul and Rein Divine Alatas.







Speaker of the Regional Shura Council

K.H. Abdulrahman "Gus Dul" Wahid


Member of the Committee of Nine. Head of the Nahdlatul 'Ulama and its associates, including its armed paramilitary wing Banser with millions of members.

Commander of the Dwipantaran Republican Armed Forces (ABRD)

Brig. Gen. Fachrul Raiz


Member of the Committee of Nine. Highest-ranking military officer who is actively and intimately involved with the Republiken movement.

Chief of the Dwipantaran Republican Intelligence Agency (BIRD)

Brig. Gen. A.M. Handaprijana


One of the province's most powerful deep state actor who "saw the writing on the wall", currently serving as the armed forces' regional intelligence chief.

Chief of the Dwipantaran Republican Police (PORD)

Brig. Gen. Pol. Budi Gumawan


Widely known as Megawathi's right hand man.

Governor of Bank Dwipantara



Chief Government Spokesperson

Rein Divine Alatas


Member of the Committee of Nine. Current chief of the Republikens' propaganda task force. Rumoured to have a master-apprentice relationship with NU's Supreme Leader, Gus Dul.

Ambassador to the UN

Mari Alka Pangedjaja


Head of the Independence Negotiaton Task Force

Jusril I. Mandahara


Chief Republiken negotiator to the Khilafah Islamiyah for independence

There are also other important positions that are not a part of the transitional government, but act as supporting boards to help the Second Dwipantaran National Revolution, most notably:

  • Brig. Gen. Fachrul Raiz will head the Komite Aksi Pengganjangan Khawarij or "KAP-Khawarij" (Committee of Action to Destroy Khawarij) with sweeping investigative powers to essentially track down, hunt, and arrest potentially dangerous Islamist opposition to the Republikens.

  • Brig. Gen. Agam Gamelar will head the Makhamah Militer Luar Biasa (Extraordinary Military Tribunal) to take care of the military personnels arrested by the KAP-Khawarij, but only those that presents an immediate danger to the Republiken Restoration.

  • For the rest of the arrested Khilafahists, to-be justice minister Sjarifuddin Kartasasmita will appoint Machfud MD to form a task force to prepare for a UN-sanctioned, Nuremberg-style tribunal to deal with them in bulk. Obviously, those who supports the Republiken restoration will be granted immunity, at least for now. Kartasasmita will also appoint Bacharuddin Lopa to head a task force to plan out the creation of a new, independent Corruption Eradication Comission.

  • Alwa Shihab, under to-be foreign minister Lutarch Pandjaitan, will form a task force to communicate with other independence and resistance movements throughout Khilafah territories, from Ethiopia to Israel to Turkey to India to Singapore, Malaya and Mindanao. The goal is the formation of an "Anti-Khilafah League" that supports each other's cause. Together, the new independent states should form an alliance to accelerate the collapse of the Khilafah and neutralize its potential as a threat to national sovereignty.

  • Lutarch Pandjaitan himself will be tasked to lobby Washington, Canberra, Tokyo, and the Kuomintang in Beijing for their full support on this "Anti-Khilafah League". Their relief funds, diplomatic powers, and even military pressure will be a great help in freezing potential Khilafah responses.

  • Rein Divine Alatas will coordinate with Information Minister Fathir F. Gothan to plan an effective state propaganda and information management startegy to prevent an outbreak of Islamist opposition against the Restoration, especially in high-risk areas such as Atjeh, West Sumatra, and West Java. Under Foreign Minister Pandjaitan, Rein will also head a campaign team to further rally Republiken campaign in the international world, including sending the Fox to testify in front of the UN General Assembly, rally support from both western and eastern media, and even investigate Islamophobic far-right groups to analyze their feasibility in supporting the Anti-Khilafah operations.

  • To-be economy minister Amien Rassi will appoint someone to head the Foreign Development Aid Board, tasked to investigate Dwipantaran shortcomings in economics, finance, and development, then search for different alternatives of a "Marshall Plan" for Dwipantara, analyze the pros and cons of each possibility, and come up with a completed set of foreign aid proposals.

  • To-be Vice Governor-General Megawathi Sukarnaputri will, in conjunction with Justice Minister Kartasasmita, appoint members for the Law Reform Comission. They will be tasked to investigate Dwipantara's present rotting legal structure, document its flaws, and draft a comprehensive report with detailed reform recommendations to be used as a reference for a future constitutional and legal reform initiative in the parliament. Future parliament will be mandated to make the Nawaksara (Nine Demands of the Restoration) realized into a sweeping and completed omnibus bill that will significantly alter Dwipantara's existing legal structure. Thus, cooperation between the executive and legislative branch are vital.

  • To-be intelligence chief Brig. Gen. A.M. Handaprijana will form a brain trust to plan out Dwipantara's strategy in dealing with the impending terrorism wave that will follow the fall of the Khilafah. All channels will be utilized, from the formation of a special detachment with counter-terrorism purpose, to cooperation with foreign programs, even to humanistic approaches and educational or social reforms.

The priority of the transitional government is to restore order and stability, resolve domestic and foreign threats to the independence efforts, secure strong alliances and defense cooperation with international powers to prevent an imperialistic military invasion from the Khilafah, and simultaneously hold an independence referendum. To implement this plan, the Republikens have drafted a quite detailed schedule and flowchart to deal with many situations that might arise. Here are the key takeaways from their plans, as laid out in the Menteng papers.

Phase 1, early to mid April 1998: Operasi Murka Allah (Operation Wrath of Allah)

2nd Cavalry Division of the Central Java Military Regional Command, led by a Red-White commander.

Eversince the reforms in electoral laws following the 212 Superpeaceful Action's demands, independent political polling companies has shown that a landslide Republiken victory is near-certain for the April 1998 regional Shura elections. In reaction to this, Republiken intelligence has documented worrying conversations between Islamist military circles and figures, who seemed to be planning a unilateral military action for an Islamist coup plot to crush the elections and purge Republiken opposition by force. As a response, the Republikens commissioned Brig. Gen. Fachrul Raiz to lead a counter-coup plan and prevent the mobilization of troops and paramilitary masses against Republiken elements.

To do this, the Republikens set up a list of names deemed a threat to a peaceful transfer of power. They are consisted from high-profile Islamist and military figures to many local army commandants. Then, just before the Islamists' coup, Raiz's military clique –known as Dewan Djenderal or Generals' Council– will then make the first move, mobilize forces, and kidnap key anti-election figures on the list. The prisoners will then be brought into secret Republiken headquarters scattered in various residencies:

  • Mt. Gede Pangrango – HQ for Banten, DKI Zakartah, and West Jawwu residency;

  • Mt. Merapi – HQ for Central Jawwu and Jogjakarta residency;

  • Mt. Semeru – HQ for East Jawwu and Bali residency;

  • Samosir Island – HQ for residencies in northern Sumatra island;

  • Bukittinggi – HQ for residencies in southern Sumatra island;

  • Mamuju – HQ for residencies in Sulawesi island

In total, there are 271 individuals targeted by the list. They are consisted of military, intelligence, and police personnels of various ranks, influental Islamist clerics and mass organization leaders, and local government officials. The operation will be conducted at midnight. After the movement is underway, Raiz's clique will then organize a meeting with the province's defense boss, the Republiken-sympathizing Lt. Gen. Wintarto, and try to convince him to finally join the Republikens and read a statement prepared by the Republikens:


I. An illegal coup had been attempted!

    On (day), (date)th of Dzulhidjah 1418, an unauthorized army mobilization order has been attempted by an unscrupulous clique of military personnels alien to the voice of the people, with the goal of undermining the result of the 1418 Regional Shura Elections.

II. To prevent the illegal movement from taking shape, Operation Wrath of Allah had taken place within the Army in several provinces which was aided by troops from other branches of the Armed Forces. Operation Wrath of Allah, which was led by Brig. Gen. Fachrul Raiz, is a contingency military operation designed to pacify such threats and is directed against individuals linked to a puritan Islamic movement of the Khawarij mahzb.

As of this morning, a number of Khawarij military personnels and subversive individuals has been arrested. Governor-General Sourheart is safe under our protection and will address the province after all of the troublemakers are neutralized. Important communications media has also been safely placed under the control of Operation Wrath of Allah. We also announce that according to our official intelligence reports, the Khawarijs is a subversive network of rogue individuals who rejected the result of the 1418 Regional Shura Elections and had been very active lately ever since the passage of Provincial Law no. 46/1997 about Regional Elections.

Therefore, in order to attain its goals the Khawarijs had planned to conduct a show of force (machtvertoon), on Arafah Day at 9 Dzulhidjah by bringing troops from various regions into key cities: Madhain, Padang, Palambah, DKI Zakar'tah, Bandaghah, Shemaran, Shurabahah, and Makassar. With this large concentration of power the Khawarijs has even planned to carry out a coup after 9 Dzulhidjah 1418. It was to stop such subversive coup that Brig. Gen. Fachrul Raiz launched Operation Wrath of Allah which apparently proved to be a great success.

III. We confirm that these individuals are implicated in this illegal mobilization of forces, among others;

  • Maj. Gen. Kill van Zen, Regional Director of the Mabahith;

  • Maj. Gen. Pascabowo S.D., Sector Chief of Internal Affairs;

  • Hb. Rijic Shearhalf, Leader of the Partai Khilafah Islam (PKI) and Sector Chief of Law, Women, and Human Rights;

  • K.H. Abu Djibril, Majority Leader of the Partai Khilafah Islam (PKI) fraction in the Regional Shura Council;

  • Maj. Gen. Feisal Edno Teluk, Commander of the Regional Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad);

  • Hb. Bahar Sumayt, Secretary-General of the Islamic Defender Front (FPI) mass organization;

  • Fuad Bawazier, Governor of the Province 14 Baitul Mal Bank;

  • Abu Bakar Ba'asjir, leader of Jama'ah Ansharut Tauhid mass organization;

  • And other dangerous subversive individuals.

For their involvement, Province 14 Regional Government has relieved them from any and all public and military posts, position, and authority. We are currently launching an operation to track down and capture the remaining implicated individuals. We will inform you about new updates after the situation is cleared.

IV. In this hour of danger, I ensure you that we have taken all the necessary steps to crush these illegal and treasonous actions. I ordered, among others:

  1. Deputy II of the Regional Army Chief of Staff have been appointed to head the Action Committee to Destroy the Khawarijs (KAP-Khawarij), a new special task force to investigate this treacherous movement, identify all of the conspirators, and make all preparations to bring them an extraordinary military tribunal (Mahmilub).

  2. Assistant I of the Regional Army Chief of Staff have been appointed the new Commander of the Regional Strategic Army Reserve Command (Kostrada).

  3. Executive powers in Military Regional Command I, II, III, IV, V, IX, XIII, and XIV has been transferred to the commanders of the army reserves.

  4. Jemaah Islamiyah, Jama'ah Ansharut Tauhid, Islamic Defender Front, Islamic Ummah Forum, Hizbut Tahrir Dwipantara, and Hizbullah are declared forbidden subversive organizations that has been disbanded immidiately, and call for its members to surrender themselves peacefully to authorized officials before we are forced to use brute force.

V. Province 14 Command of the IUAF reiterates its unyielding commitment to the people's right of self-determination manifest through the elections, which is already agreed by the Quran and Sunnah.

The Dwipantaran soldier stands before a historical task. It will depend on his energy and attitude whether Dwipantara will be saved.

Zakar'tah, (date)th of Dzulhijah 1998
Sector Chief of Regional Defense,
Lt. Gen. Wintarto

Province 14's highest defense authority, Lt. Gen. Wintarto, addressing pro-democracy protesters in January 1998. The native-born general is known for his Republiken sympathies and ties to the CIA.

The goal is to frame the kidnapped Islamists as "coup plotters" trying to undermine the voice of the people (which they are), eliminating the "Green" faction and handing the command of the regional military firmly on the Red-Whites' grasp. However, the fate of the kidnapped will be kept in the dark until Sourheart resigns. With that secured, the Republikens can then turn to Governor-General Sourheart and his corrupt cabinet, pressuring him to resign in peace or else. Republikens wilk also start to openly recruit more Republiken sympathizers into the movement, including the likes of Brig. Gen. Susilo "SBJ" B. Judhajana and the neutral but influential Islamist figure Ali Haz. 15 May becomes the time limit for Republikens to try rally as much support as possible and to cut as much of Province 14's links to the Khilafah central regime as possible, so that they have a confortable control of situation by the time of Sourheart's expected resignation.

Interestingly, interior chief Maj. Gen. Pascabowo is also included in the list despite his nationalist and secular leanings and his ties to the CIA. The most likely reason is because he is too wild to be able to work with the Republikens, as he wants the top leadership for himself. Due to this, he has been one of the most hawkish opposition to the Republikens' civil disobedience. He is also Wintarto's most dangerous rival.

Phase 2, 20 May 1998: Day of National Awakening – Overthrow of the Cendana Regime

To pressure Sourheart into resignation, Republiken military figures planned to pull out all troops from Zakartah, completely leaving the provincial capital at the mercy of millions of angry protesters.

20th of May is celebrated by Republikens as the "Day of National Awakening". On the 20th of May 1908, Boedi Oetomo –Dwipantara's first national organization– was established, signalling the start of the 1910-1930's "Dwipantaran National Awakening" period where a Dwipantaran national identity started to manifest itself among Dutch East Indies subjects. This eventually culminated in the 1928 Youth Pledge of "One Homeland, One People, One Language – Dwipantaran".

After a predicted Republiken landslide electoral victory in April 1998 is announced in around early May, pro-Republiken parties under Megawathi, Gus Dul, and Amien Rassi will then take over the Shura, reorganizing it into a Republiken-controlled parliament ready to hold real legislative powers before 15 May. They will then immediately launch an inquiry on Governor-General Sourheart and his cronies. Along with charges on KKN (corruption, collusion, nepotism), war crimes, and crimes against humanity, Sourheart will also be accused of conspiring with the Khawarij to rid his Republiken opposition through force and thus opening the possibility of treason charges. With this armaments, Sourheart will then be pressured, unofficially and even officially, to resign voluntarily, as only the Khalifah can legally dismiss a Governor-General.

If Governor-General Sourheart failed to voluntarily resign by 19 May, then the Republikens would launch the "People Power" action to finally bring the government down. Under Amien Rassi, Rein Divine, and Budiman Surdjomiko's coordination, millions will be mobilized to protest on the streets of Zakar'tah and occupy government offices. Meanwhile, Brig. Gen. Raiz –with Lt. Gen. Wintarto's approval– will take over de facto command of all troops stationed in the city and pull all of them out, emptying the city from any military personnel.

Amidst the ensuing chaos, Republiken-aligned sector chiefs will together resign in mass to add more pressure. Then, Republiken-aligned government and military figures will meet Sourheart in his home in Cendana street, warn him about personal security risks, and press him for an immediate resignation and succession by Vice Governor-General Habeibi.

After Sourheart is deposed, Habeibi will then announce the dissolution of the Cendana cabinet. He will then announce and formally inaugurate the Development Restoration Cabinet as planned before (although depending on the future situation, there may still be some amendments). Cabinet members will also take the name "minister" as opposed to "sector chief"

Phase 3, 1 June 1998: Day of the Tenacity of Pantjasila – Second Dwipantaran National Revolution

Vice Governor Habeibi in front of the Regional Shura Council.

1st of June is celebrated by the Republikens as Hari Kesaktian Pantjasila (Day of the Tenacity of Pantjasila) originally commemorates the birth of Pantjasila ("Five Principles"), Republic of Dwipantara's official uniting ideology. As of 1998, Republikens planned to put a twist on it – a day where Pantjasila returned. On that date, the now-Governor Habeibi will officially outline their plans and priorities in front of the Shura Council, consisting of the Nawaksara, or the "Nine Agendas of the Republiken Restoration":

  1. Put Governor-General Sourheart and his cronies on trial;

  2. Conduct a referendum of independence and return to a republic;

  3. Erase the army dual function;

  4. Totally and permanently abolish all of these following from the surface of Dwipantara:

    1. slavery,

    2. the legal sanctification of habibs,

    3. cruel and unusual punishments,

    4. discriminative jizya tax and the dhimmi caste system,

    5. the status of ulema fatwas as an enforceable legal law,

    6. and mandatory conscription for jihad wars;

  5. Grant regions sweeping autonomy;

  6. End censorship and establish freedom of the press;

  7. Enforce the supremacy of the law;

  8. Form a government free of corruption, collusion, and nepotism;

  9. Return to 18 August 1945 Pantjasila as the foundation of the government and the state of Dwipantara.

The day thus signals the start of the Second Dwipantaran National Revolution, where all state, military, and civil apparatus will be "mobilized for the single purpose of achieving Dwipantaran independence". The command of all military forces in Dwipantaran territory is transferred into a new Dwipantaran Republican Armed Forces (ABRD) loyal only to the transitional government, any army still loyal to the Khilafah will be disarmed and detained. Anti-independence central and regional government officials will be demoted and purged. Hardline Islamist organizations will be placed under state supervision and the radical ones might even be forcefully disbanded. Pro-Republikens millitias, such as the Banser, will be asked to join the military and police's efforts to return order under governmental coordination, with the primary goal of sweeping for possible Islamist resistance conspiracies.

To reorganize the military, Raiz and Wintarto will formally form a professional general staff loyal to the Republiken movement. They will be tasked to draft plans against possible domestic insurrection or military invasion from the Khilafah. Meanwhile, diplomats will be hastily dispatched to foreign powers and international cooperation to secure any possible form of cooperation that might support Dwipantaran independence. Washington, Canberra, and the Kuomintang-led Beijing in particular has expressed their support for an independent Dwipantara, so they are a priority. Coordinating with fellow independence movements in India, Iran, and East Africa, Dwipantara will also try to trigger a new wave of independence movements in other Khilafah provinces to severely weaken their power and divide their attention. In particular, the provinces of Malaya, Anatolia, Jewish-dominated areas in Greater Palestine, Shia-dominated areas in Iraq and Yemen, and Lebanon are the hottest targets to aim.

Anti-Khilafah League as of 1998. Green is the Khilafah, Blue are Khilafah provinces with independence movements actively preparing to declare the League's joint secession, Light Blue are provinces whose independence movements are in progress of joining the League, Gold are foreign states allied to the League, and Light Yellow are indirect supporters.

Meanwhile, the Big Four (US, China, Australia, Japan) – nations whose support are vital to the success of the Second Dwipantaran National Revolution will be lobbied for their full commitment in four areas:

  • Financial: diplomatic talks primarily on foreign aid, loans, and direct investments, but also aid on military armament and funds. Dwipantara will also hold the Dwipantaran International Integration Conference (DIIC). The four powers will then be invited to discuss both their and Dwipantara's conflicting needs and interests, strike a bargain, and then sign a comprehensive mutually beneficial agreement.

  • Diplomatic: Big Four to move the UN to support Dwipantaran independence and pass beneficial resolutions, including resolutions about truces, no-fly zones, peacekeeping operations, and ultimately independence referendum.

  • Military: Joint US-Australian navy should blockade the strategic Malacca and Sunda straits, preventing Khilafah vessels from entering inland Dwipantaran waters and cutting off the province from the rest of the Khilafah. UN Peacekeepers will also be stationed in vulnerable Dwipantaran islands, preventing any Khilafah invasion attempts.

  • Geostrategic: Big Four and the rest of international community should coordinate with the member-states of the Anti-Khilafah League, striking mutually beneficial deals, and together plan the collapse and reshaping of the Khilafah state to conform to the rest on the global community.

Republikens expects that total control will be achieved by May 1999, backed by UN peacekeeping forces and a UN resolution demanding independence referendum and a truce with the Khilafah. After which, they can move forward to the fourth phase.

Phase 4, June-July 1999: Dwixit (Dwipantaran Exit) Referendum

Should Province 14 remain a province of the Khilafah Islamiyah or leave the Khilafah Islamiyah as an independent sovereign republic?
    [ ] Leave

    [ ] Remain

After the situation is secured and stabilized at full Republiken control, an independence referendum will be held under UN supervision. With recent pollings suggesting that the proposal is floating at a landslide 64% support, the Republikens are more worried about possible Islamist incursions and intimidation campaigns. So for a time period before, during, and after the referendum, joint UN-Republiken-Banser forces under government coordination will be dispatched to patrol the streets and prevent the Islamists from disturbing or compromising the process of the referendum in any way.

Phase 5, 17 August 1999: Declaration of Independence

Mona'ah Square, Zakar'tah is one of the potential location for the proclamation of independence.

If the independence referendum is successful, Habeibi (as interim president) will then announce the proclamation of independence in the Mona'ah square at 10.00 am, 17 August 1999. If security reasons forbid, then the proclamation will be read in front ofan Alliance leader's house (as Sukarno did in 1945). The proclamation text reads as follows:


Kami bangsa Dwipantara dengan ini menjatakan kemerdekaan Dwipantara.
Hal-hal jang mengenai pemindahan kekuasaan d.l.l., diselenggarakan dengan tjara saksama dan dalam tempo jang sesingkat-singkatnja.

Djakarta, 17 Agustus 1999
Atas nama Bangsa Dwipantara.

We the people of Dwipantara hereby declare the independence of Dwipantara.
Matters which concern the transfer of power etc., will be executed by careful means and in the shortest possible time.

Djakarta, 17 Agustus 1999
In the name of the people of Dwipantara.

After independence is declared, the elected members of the regional Shura –which will be renamed to "People's Consultative Assembly" (MPR) under a Republiken government– will vote for the temporary reinstation of the 1945 Constitution. Habeibi will then resign, but serve as a caretaker president until the MPR elect a new president (as regulated by the 1945 constitution). With a new government, the MPR will then debate and pass a new Republican constitution, probably based on an amended version of the 1945 constitution. Fresh general elections will then be held and focus will be shifted to development, economic and political reforms, integration into the global community, and formation of a Southeast Asian union to strengthen relations with other neighboring states. In particular, Dwipantara must accelerate infrastructure development and industrialization if it wants to catch up with the rest of the world.

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