Alatas is a clan name, Divine is a surname. Dwipantaran Republiken naming system requires neither clan name nor surname.
–Rein's standard opening monologue for the "Dwipantara Lawyers' Club" TV programme, TV-14, 1998.
Habib Sheikh Rein Divine Alatas, (/rān dəˈvīn 'alatas/; born 7 September 1974 C.E., Virgo; age 23), officially "Allah's Property No. 2CD1229-MFI" is a Dwipantaran TV figure, student activist, and the alter ego behind the Fox, the masked revolutionary serving as the de-facto symbol and spokesperson of the Alliance to Restore the Republic, which is a secret society aiming to seize Dwipantaran independence from the failing Islamic Khilafah. His goal is to to transition Dwipantara from the backwards, Islamist "Camel Society" into the modern, secular "Airship Society". A Republiken, Rein specializes in the propaganda division, tasked by his boss to rapidly deislamize the archipelago for the Alliance's benefit. Secretly an atheist, he employs a double personality, working simultaneously as both 1) the atheist masked revolutionary figure symbolizing the anti-Khilafah movement called "the Fox" during night time, and as 2) an immensely popular moderate Muslim ustaz (Islamic preacher and scholar) with millions of regular radio/TV listeners as "Ustaz Rein" during day time. In doing his job, he is bolstered by his status as the grandson of the influential ulema Sheikh Majmun, support from CIA, and strong cooperation with the moderate Muslim stronghold Nahdlatul 'Ulama, whose paramilitary force protects him and his loved ones from armed Islamist vigilante forces and possible terrorists.
This double-personality strategy Rein employed is part of his larger Divine Orchestra project, which sought to disarm and break apart Islam into three blocs: 1) hardliners, which will be attacked as much as possible from scientific and moral point of view and branded as 'heretical'; 2) moderates, a tame "Dwipantaran-style Islam" edited and engineered by secular reformists, and 3) irreligious apostates, critical atheists tasked to systematically attack hardline Islam without restraint, with the goal of dismantling the legitimacy of the ulema establishment and their religious interpretations, push the Overton Window and herd the population towards moderate secular Islam through their own volition. As the chief of the Alliance's propaganda efforts, destroying conservative Islam is very important as it takes away the Khilafah's entire legitimacy, and success will be one sweeping victory for the Republikens' political interests.
Largely credited for the outbreak of anti-Islam sentiment on campuses and academia, Rein founded the Young Foxes think-tank, built the Cakrawala propaganda network, and took over the KAMI (alliance of students movements from 80 different campuses), turning it from a single-issue grassroot fighting against the mandatory Jihad conscription lottery into one of the province's largest organized opposition stronghold. Currently studying law, he is now working on the Divine Scissor project, a think-thank effort tasked to draft a thorough secular reforms for Islam, lists "bad" hadiths and tafsirs to be taken down, reinterpret "problematic" Quranic verses, and construct a socio-political strategy to implement such thoughts. (More Detail). Seen as the Republikens' "brain behind the throne" along with Amien Rassi, they worked hard behind the scene to unite and maintain the splintering and divided nationalists, socialists, moderate Muslims, and military into an effective "united front". In fact, he was one of the four "architect" who pushed for and ultimately tasked to draft the Super Secret Evil Plan, the Republikens' agreed framework for taking over Dwipantara and plan for temporary power sharing, thus preventing an all-out power struggle during the future transition to independence.
Unbenknownst to many, Rein had also been cooking up many future schemes for up until 2004. While still in its preliminary stages, the plan calls for identification, mobilization, and orchestration of various sectors of the population, aimed to safeguard the transition into a republic, force all parties to acknowledge the supremacy of democratic institutions, and prevent it from falling to either a military junta, civil war, or a fascist one-party dictatorship under his own boss, Alliance leader Megawathi Sukarnaputri. In particular, he had an immensely ambitious idea for successive government changes in mind aimed on resolving both the hostile partisan polarization and the armed conflicts in the outer isles, culminating in the pro-democracy Brig. Gen. Susilo B. Judhajana (whom he sees as the most capable) becoming the president and form a stable zaken regering (professional governance).
Gated habib community next to a native-populated slum, Southern Tangharan. As mandated by Quran 8:41, the state is forced to give away a whopping 8% of the income from war spoils to the ethnically Arabic sayyids –larger than the budget of the Ministry of Infrastructure– only to be wasted on hedonistic riches and political dealings.
In 1974, Rein was born to the rich and powerful Alatas habib ("descendant of Muhammad") family in Shemaran, capital of the Central Jawwu residency. His grandfather is the nationally influential cleric Sheikh Majmun Divine Alatas. His father, Sheikh Elohim Divine Alatas, was a powerful aristocrat and plantation landowner serving as an influental qadi (Islamic magistrate) with links to various mass Salafist organizations. Elohim owns four wives, a total of 22 legitimate and illegitimate children, and 17 slaves, including 5 sex slaves. Rein's mother, Rheia, was a Javanese-Christian slave abducted from the rebellion-striven Madiun region, who was then converted into Islam and manummitted into a wife. Spending his childhood in a segregated Arabic-sayyid gated community, he was groomed to be the successor of his father's sprawling enterprises. Although Rein do sometimes ran out to the poor slums with his brother and made friends with the locals, learning to speak Javanese in the process.
Being the most likely candidate for the heir position, his father often pressured him with impossibly high expectations to the point of abuse. After school, Rein was pressured to attend various exhausting Quranic and religious lessons immediately after his academic cramschools until very late at night, and "childish disobedience" always results in flogging by belt. At home, he had to witness years of traumatizing domestic abuse experienced by her mother Rheia, from being essentially abandoned by Elohim as she ages (Elohim owns 3 other wives and multiple sex slaves who are younger and fresher), to open verbal abuse, to marital rape – as the Khilafah's social norms condones. A frustated Rheia eventually fell for a manipulative local bureaucrat, but was later captured for adultery allegations – in a tainted case that later reviews concluded as a rape rather than adultery. In Islam however, mistakenly accusing someone for adultery means that the accuser themselves will be tortured by public flogging and have their right to be a witness in a trial revoked forever.
By Allah, I am of the truthful.
By Allah, I am of the truthful.
By Allah, I am of the truthful.
By Allah, may the curse of Allah be upon me if I should be among the liars."
As outlined by Quran 24:6-7, this magical password can be uttered by the accuser of an adultery case to get around all legal proceedings, automatically sending the accused to a brutal death sentence even if all of the evidence points to the other way. But if the accused do the same thing, they will automatically be freed while the accuser is punished by a gruesome public torture. This is because a scientific criminal investigation procedure hadn't been invented during Muhammad's primitive era.
So Elohim, eager to save face, was able to win the case by saying a simple Islamic oath (as regulated by the Quran). Rheia meanwhile, who were experiencing severe psychological stress and trauma, was unsure about the case –she is cheating, after all. With that doubt, and intimidation by Elohim's men, she kept silent. As a result, despite nearly all evidences pointing to the contrary, Rheia was sentenced to death by stoning. Thus, an 11 year old Rein was forced to witness the person he loved the most in this world buried alive in a chest-deep hole in front of a crowded market, then pummeled with hundreds of big rocks by an angry state-sanctioned lynch mob until she died with hundreds of disturbing blunt damages. Rein's mother's brutal death was slow, grueling, public, and filled with cries of pain, taking around about three hours.
Stoning of adulterers, where victims are half-buried, then thrown big rocks by hundreds of angry locals until they die a sadistic death. Rein's mother, a rape victim, was wrongly accused of adultery and sentenced to a brutal death through stoning when Rein was 11 years old.
Thus, after that sadistic loss of Rein's mother, Elohim found his 11 years old son in the perfect condition for his plans. As a child, Rein was curious, critical, and isn't easily fooled by easy answers. But now, fresh from a psychological scarring –including intense phobias of blood, death, and most importantly the Islamic hell–, Elohim are free to shape his son according to his wishes, radicalizing him into Salafist Islamism. Rein wholeheartedly accepted the radical teachings of the Khilafah and for four whole years, he never missed his 23 rakaat Tahajud prayers. Islamic literatures became his daily friend, memorizing the Quran by heart within a year before moving to the hadith and tafsirs. Although he was never able to "cure" himself from fanboying Japanese-related literatures (which he obtained from the black market). He was also active in many youth and mosque organizations, though this is mostly to fullfill his father's demand to enrich his portofolio. The combination of status as Sheikh Majmun's grandson, natural appeal, and talent in persuasiveness led him to be scouted by TV-14 in 1990, eventually ending up as a rising star teenage TV ustaz.
Unbeknownst to Elohim however, for all of this years, Rein has been hiding and suppressing a dangerous belief that had been growing and growing: his disagreements with Islam. He accepted many of the Khilafah's teachings, but never agreeing with it. He is disgusted by the Quran's hatred and cheap insults on non-Muslims. He despised the cult-like practices of Salafi Islamists, their views on blasphemy and freedom of speech, and their vitriolic opression against minorities. He also questioned the many outdated ideas of the Sharia system, most pressingly in slavery and the "dhimmi" state-sponsored discrimination system. This might first stem from his little step-sister, Mika, who is a talented and passionate artist, but was then stomped because Muhammad banned such things. Not willing to let his sister down (Young Foxes members often jokes about Rein's alleged sister complex), Rein then dug and made her a secret area in her floor to hide her art activities from his father, seeding the first sparks of rebellion.
Only the Sky Terror, a term he secretly made to describe Allah's sadistic threats to those who opposes Him, that kept him in Islam. Whatever happens, in the end he still lives as a toy under Allah's sky dictatorship, created to worship and obey Allah for His personal amusement. Unfortunately, that's just how the universe works, so the boy had no other choice other than to say sami'na wa atho'na (we listen and we obey). No other alternative had ever entered his consideration.
This sets the stage for one of the most sensational forbidden love story in the history of Dwipantara.
Khilafah-sponsored terrorist attack against the Australian book printing company involved in the mass production of Rahman and Janett romance novel, Melbourne, 1996. The book is based on Rein's actual love life story.
Carry it to the window of his home
To him who kept on forgetting
'Till he remember me again
He whose kind heart had been lost
Please come, o blowing breezing wind
The wind that breezes cold feeling
That stabs deep into bone marrows
'Till he remembered me again, trickling down
Trickling down with tears
Anging Mammiri, a traditional sea folk song from Sulawesi. In the book, the devastated Rahman hummed the song throughout his despair after Janett's tragic death, becoming one of the book's most well-known part – teenage romance AND resentment against conservative and outdated values (of Sharia).
Published in 1995 by a mysterious author called La Samahayt, the Rahman and Janett (a clear allusion to Romeo and Juliet) is an explosive anti-Islam novel that narrates a touching tragicomedy of forbidden love between the aristocratic son of an intolerant bigoted ulema and a Chinese-Atheist commoner who happened to be a Republiken rebel. Its eye-popping compilation of claims and "exposé" about Islam carefully sown within its narrative became a big source of inspiration for the atheist movement of the late 1990's, and the content have became the base of the Young Foxes' deislamization campaign guide.
The plot details the decadent life in Khilafah Islamiyah through the eyes of Rahman ibn Bahar as-Shihab, a popular teenage TV ustaz who just moved to Bandaghah, West Jawwu residency. He was the son of an influential sayyid family that stricly adheres to the Quran, Sunnah, and diktats from the first three generation of Islam. His frustating and hypocritical daily life are then interrupted by Janett Crescent, a tomboy and idealistic Chinese-Christian teenage girl who was secretly an irreligious Alliance activist that sought to undermine the Khilafah. As woman's freedom is strictly chained and handcuffed by the sharia, she regularly cross-dress as a man in public. She became a Republiken to save her father who was awaiting death sentence for a dubious blasphemy case,. and originally planned to blackmail Rahman so he would help her in saving her father. Through Janett, Rahman then learned the "truth" about Islam, through both scientific and moral point of views (the novel's authors researched and laid the facts very seriously, with the first release containing 58 full pages of citations, quotes, and references alone). The story then follow their struggle as they slowly fell in love with eachother, navigating threats and betrayals, while actively plotting to increase the size of the atheist secret network in Java and bring the downfall of the Khilafah, until they meet a tragic end (but not before the Republiken movement had bloomed into an unstoppable momentum). Rahman's eureka moment on his "Muslim anger mitigation strategy" became the basis of the Divine Orchestra strategy currently employed by the Young Foxes.
In reality, La Samahayt (meaning "the sky don't have walls" – a subtle insult to Islam's primitive cosmological understanding) is consisted of three person: an aspiring writer that he met, Rein himself, and his secret Chinese-Atheist girlfriend Juno Fullmoon. With the exception of the ending, the novel's plot is actually a direct retell of the actual true love life story between Rein and Juno themselves, from their first meeting during highschool days. Despite the book's writing style "clearly aimed for teenage girls in puberty" according to a critic, it has been acclaimed for its success in achieving its clearly intended goals: (1) call out all of the Khilafah's irreparable flaws and (2) paint Islam as a despicable anti-love, anti-fun apocalyptic cult whose primitive moral system is a hindrance to human progress. Essentially, this book conveys –in an incredible narrative prowess– how horrible it is to live under the Khilafah and how wonderful the alternatives could be.
"The Book" (as it became known as) quickly gained a reputation as the second incarnation of the Satanic Verses, a 1988 anti-Islam book by writer Salman Rushdie – albeit a way more aggressive version, as Rahman and Janett is clearly written to "debunk Islam" and openly calls for "the enlightened" to "rise up and overthrow the fascist Khilafah". The book is printed by an Australian publishing corporation and comes in four different languages: Dwipantaran, Arabic, English, and Javanese. They are then sent into Khilafah territories in the millions through smugglers and CIA operatives. Like the Satanic Verses, the book was massively controversial, triggering massive Islamist riots throughout the Khilafah. The Khilafah Central Ijtima Council in Al-Azhar even passed a "global fatwa" sentencing La Samahayt to death, promising the killer an immediate ticket to paradise. A bounty was raised for his head, radical groups formed search missions, the book printing factory and other Australian cities was attacked by terrorists – killing hundreds. The situation became so dangerous that Rein had to consult to his CIA acquaintances to help him form an effective security strategy and keep the identity of La Samahayt –a.k.a. himself– remain anonymous. Posession of the book carries with it a harsh punishment and the book is regularly shouted at and condemned at Islamist hate rallies.
"Shoot to death Rushdie the satan": angry Salafi Islamists calling for violence against a piece of book, 1989.
However, the book also serves as a rallying point and a symbol of resistance against the Islamist rule. The first mission for any new Alliance recruit is to acquire the book and study its contents. Due to the difficulty in finding and buying the banned book, this test is a great way to push new members into a Republiken's daily of life and introduce them to the underground black market, while simultaneously serves as an efficient system to root out untalented recruits. Stories like this, and combined with the Khilafah's pathetic attempts to censor the book that only prompted anti-Islamists to come up with even mkre creative methods to get around the ban, becomes a media sensation in the west, leading the book to become best-sellers in major modern countries. As the Australian prime minister jokingly pointed out, "the Khilafah is terrified by a romance novel."
Combined with constant mentions from the Khilafah media, the book is now a standard read for every rebellious teens and is widely distributed throughout the underground community as of 1998. Meanwhile, Rein's present day double job as both the Fox and "his archrival", Ustaz Rein, has enabled him to discuss the issues raised by the book with minimal resistance. As Rein often point out, the book itself isn't some sort of literary miracle and its quality is pretty standard. It is the Khilafah's own overblown reaction to it that elevated the book to a divine status unthinkable by anyone else. One must thus question why the hell can Islam be so violently triggered by a simple romance novel, resulting in thousands of deaths, terrorist attacks, and property damages that costs millions of dollars in the process.
Radio, CIA, and Propaganda
Rein, dressed as the Fox, recording his daily broadcast in a secret Radio Republik Dwipantara station. As the Fox, Rein often 'hold debates' with his other persona, Ustaz Rein, in an effort to control public discourse to the Republikens' favor.
Although Rein maintains a steady and frequent appearance in TVs, mosque sermons, and public rallies, the radio is his primary platform of choice. Radio is nearly impossible to be censored by the Khilafah, and is a great propaganda platform proven to be sucessful against the Soviet Union and its puppet states. As of 1998, Rein and his Young Foxes team have secured a strong cooperation and regular airtime on the Australia-based Radio Free Southeast Asia and the Dwipantara-based Radio Republik Dwipantara, two of the most popular underground channel listened by hundreds of millions. Debates, lectures, news broadcast from the Cakrawala network, and discussions makes regular appearance on these network. Combined with the fact that those two are the only available radios that broadcast music (music are banned in the Islamic Khilafah), their existence have been the single greatest reason of the propagation of liberal and progressive ideals throughout the archipelago. In particular, Rein pioneered the inclusion of dangdut folk music –popular with hundreds of millions of Dwipantarans everywhere– into RFSA and massively expand its outreach to the poor wong tjilik population.
This cooperation has also led him into contact with CIA agents, who are actively involved in the running of RFSA. They then provide untraceable funds, information, and advice to support his activity. As a result, Rein is now included in a secret club within the Alliance and the Khilafah government who maintain communication with the US and Australian intelligence community. The club also included Defense Chief Lt. Gen. Wintarto, Muhammadiyah leader Amien Rassi, Attorney General Sjarifuddin Kartasasmita, and other native-born military officers such as Brig. Gen. Fachrul Raiz and Brig. Gen. Agam Gamelar. Unlike those fellow CIA affiliates however, he remained particularly distrustful of that intelligence agency and cooperation has so far remained tense. Meanwhile, Rein's team also successfully secured the support of a pro-Republiken deep state faction inside the Mabahith (Province 14's intelligence agency), led by the native-born Brig. Gen. A.M. Handaprijana. Their secret financial and security support had been vital for the propagation of RRD, but importantly they also blocked the higher-ups from taking direct action against Rein himself, RRD, or KAMI. This relationship is mutually beneficial goes both ways, as the deep state also wishes for the overthrow of the Khilafah to advance their own aspirations, which is why Mabahith actions against Rein's team had been lackluster at best.
Assistant III to Army Chief of Staff for Intelligence, Brig. Gen. A.M. Handaprijana, is one of the most powerful deep state actor who reportedly "had seen the writing on the wall" and decided to throw his support to the Republikens.
Student Movement and think-tank
During a 1992 vacation at the Divine family countryside retreat in Lembang, north of Bandaghah, Rein and his closest friends founded the Young Foxes. Originally a small secret club consisted of four highschool students (and a cat), they quickly grow into a professional organization acting as the 'headquarters' of his overall movement and serves as a think-tank to implement his strategies. From there, they created the Divine Scissor plot, a plan to curtail and disarm the jungle of hardline Islam into managable cute bushes. The ultimate goal of the production of Codex Millenium, a completed reform of Islam through the critique of nearly all fatwas, fiqh, and tafsir. Undesirable sections of Islam that contradict the Alliance's uniting ideology, Pantjasila, will be discarded. New interpretation will be added, while the rest is organized into one collected library as the 'official' canon version of Islam. The Young Foxes aims to release the codex during the campaign for independence referendum in June-July, provided the Alliance successfully deposed Governor Sourheart before that.
Thus, the overthrow of the Cendana regime from Dwipantara and its replacement with an Alliance-friendly transitional government is a priority for the Republikens. So using his influence and connections as Sheikh Majmun's grandson and Information Chief Gothan's nephew, he also gradually took over the Kesatuan Aksi Mahasiswa Islam (KAMI), an alliance of more than 80 campuses in DKI Zakar'tah and West Jawwu, led by ITB (Institut Teknologi Bandaghah) and UD (Universitas Dwipantara). Originally a single-issue movement dedicated to protesting the installation of a mandatory Jihad draft lottery, the KAMI has now evolved into covering a wide range of topics. The centralization of student movements into a single coordination have proven very useful in the escalation of pressure against the Khilafah, topping at the 212 Superpeaceful Action in 1997 that sucessfully forced the government to enact an electoral reform bill proposed by the Republikens.
Volunteers on a disaster relief effort in conflict-stricken Maluku. Many volunteering efforts, from charity to teaching, are secretly aligned to the Republikens in order to spread their message to disenfranchised populace.
The KAMI however is also more known for its charity acts through its many organizations, providing relief, food kitchen service, build and run education centers, and deliver disaster aids to the poor populace. Their prominence significantly grew throughout the 1996-1997 Oil Glut and the Krisis Moneter Khilafah, where unemployment and poverty skyrocketed to the moon. Through his control, Rein has as of 1998 placed tens of thousand Republiken agitators, atheists, and human right activists in these charity efforts, spreading discontent and Republiken teachings directly to the populace. In this effort, he also formed a close relationship with the Barisan Ansor Sebaguna or Banser. Banser is a paramilitary organization with millions of members 'owned' by the Nahdlatul 'Ulama, a moderate and secular native Muslim organization with 40 million members. This cooperation eventually expands into a closer relationship with the NU and its figures as a whole, with Rein promoting NU's version of Islam while the Banser protects KAMI activities and figures from Islamist vigilantes and possible terrorists.
Two Sides of the Same Coin: Ustaz Rein vs. the Fox
Being an irreligious, Rein obviously wishes for the propagation of secular humanist ideals throughout Dwipantaran society. But irreligiousity also serves as an important chess piece for his Devide et Impera strategy, a Young Foxes' plan to divide Islam into secular moderates vs. radical hardliners. He found that the most effective way to achieve this is the politicization of religion, with the aim to lock hardline Islam as a 'political problem' that 'must be resolved' through 'political means'.
To galvanize the irreligious movement into an effective political force, Rein and his irreligious KAMI colleagues then formed the Atheis Dwipantara secret society, with affiliates reaching 1.4 million by 1998. Led by his Fox persona as the official spokesperson and symbol, Atheis Dwipantara serves as an active opposition to hardline clerics and Islamists, trashing their ideals through both scientific and moral means. The AD also shows how its ideals will be a great improvement to Dwipantaran livelihood and how the Islamists are a detriment to that. As apostasy can result in the death penalty according to the violent Islam, AD members operate largely underground, spreading and converting as much people as possible while leaving media stunts and open confrontation to the Young Foxes strategists. They are also looking to turn the liberal counterculture movement under their reins, shaping the largely passive cultural movement into a pro-AD political juggernaut.
As of 1998, the AD's efforts has found massive resonance in the counterculture and the youth population. Islam's ban on music, arts, animated TV shows, and censorship on everything from literature to comedy has only led to this channels becoming influenced and taken over by AD activists. Mainly targeting the educated urban population –which makes up the vast majority of AD affiliates–, the AD mixed religious problems with socio-economic and political problems plaguing society, and offered a very simple solution to that.
The underground counterculture –popular with millions of youth– is Atheis Dwipantara's largest exploitable "market". By 1998, its passive nature has been replaced by open political mobilization.
Rein's pro_Republiken sermon in Trans Studio Mosque, Bandaghah, 1998, after the bombing of JW Mariott. Wildly popular especially with the youth, Rein's relied on his two mantras, "occupy the moral high ground" and "controversy sells".
At the same time, Rein's agents within the media quickly pick up on the AD's activities and overblow it to eleven. A narrative of "people are turning into Atheists because the Sharia system is a failure that makes people poorer" are thus born, making the idea of an independent secular Republic more acceptable even in the eyes of more pious Muslims. Meanwhile, AD media strategy has also led to the impression that the Khilafah's version of Islam is being steamrolled by the modern age, leading people to abandon Islam en masse. Muslim leaders and communities are thrown into panic mode as the irreligious movement turns into an omnipresent ghost that spreads literally everywhere and may have even already 'infected' their own children. Combined with the counterculture resistance, Khilafah's violent crackdowns often result in hummiliating planned failures that only increases national and international sympathy for the atheists.
In this crisis, Rein equips his 'Ustaz Rein' persona and jumps in as a salvation figure that will save Islam from his own attacks. 'Moderate Islam', based on the Codex Millenium that has been meticulously planned and engineered by the Young Foxes, is offered as the solution to the crisis. Partnering with the NU, Muhammadiyah, and ICMD, this moderate, pro-Republiken version of Islam is then taught and propagated as the both the solution to the Atheism crisis and the opposition to the Khilafah's Salafi Islamism. This strategy is eventually referred as the "Divine Orchestra" by the Young Foxes, where atheists would bring up scientific or moral blows to attack hardline Islam, then the moderates would come with an answer while the hardliners are stumbled. Rinse and repeat thousands of times, and by 1998 the hardliners are starting to lose its grip in society as a trustable answer to life, the universe, and everything. In fact, it is said that his progressive sermons are really well liked by many higher echelons of the government, including Vice Governor-General B.J. Habeibi, Defense Chief Lt. Gen. Wintarto, and prominent intelligence figure A.M. Handaprijana. Combined with his Fox persona, Rein offers a new and obvious alternative to the clearly failing Khilafah, and asks for the more rational people in power to "see the writing on the wall".
Divine Orchestra is also responsible for both of Rein's persona's rise to national significance, as the meticulously planned rivalry and dramatic drama between them breeds millions of active and loyal supporters from both sides. Being able to speak in both Arabic and Javanese accent, Rein would plan out materials with his team, then "hold debate" that pits himself against himself on the radio. Through this efforts, Rein is able to control the narrative of public discourse to his and the Young Foxes' favor. Here is one example, where Rein utilized both of his persona to jointly attack Islam's legalization of child marriage under the guise of rivalry (with the Fox as the "enemy" and Ustaz Rein as the "hero"), thereby reining public response and align them to the Republikens' favor.
- The Fox: Attacks child marriage, expose how it is scientifically proven to be disastrous for under-age kids, brings up Aisha's age of marriage (9), accuses Islam of supporting pedophilia.
Ustaz Rein: Denounces the atheist Fox, denounces "bad ulemas" who supported the notion that Aisha was married at the age of nine, cherrypick hadiths and tafsirs that argues that Aisha's real age is actually around ~15, attack the Fox's allegations as misleading.
The Fox: Counters that while Aisha's age might be disputed, the legality of the child marriage itself is not and is supported by the vast majority of ulemas.
Ustaz Rein: Denounce those outdated "desert lizard" ulemas, cherrypick tafsirs and ulema opinions that opposes child marriage and claim it as the TRUE Islam, brand child marriage as "un-Islamic" and calls for its ban.
Through debates like this, Rein and his team are able to turn public opinion against child marriage. The same is true for other topics, from the ban on interest rates to LGBT genocide to political systems. Rinse and repeat thousands of times, with regards to the present hottest topics and public psychology management, and by 1998 a narrative of failing Salafi Islam and a moderate movement springing up to correct that is now alive and kicking.
FPI activist pouring a hot boiling cup of tea to the face of a Muhammadiyah professor during a heated TV debate. The controversy it generated led to a near bloodshed and a permanent antagonism between the two Islamic group.
Through these complicated planning and chess pieces allocation, the Young Foxes sucessfully started an objective evaluation of Islam within Dwipantaran society. Discussions are no longer stiffled by the 'holiness' of Islam. With this strategy, the Republikens hopes that hardline Islamism can be destroyed and eliminated as a political threat, with the moderates and irreligious ending up as the winners. The strategy essentially boils down to:
Break apart Islam into different version and blocs that hates each other.
Islamic blocs that supports the Republikens = "good smart pro-progress moderates, the TRUE version of Islam."
Islamic blocs that supports the Khilafah = "evil stupid outdated violent Khawarij heretics, the WRONG version of Islam."
Make those two actually fight eachother, whether in debates, public discussion, to actual street fight.
Islam, of which the Khilafah's entire legitimacy rests upon, is reduced to the sidelines as an unimportant topic that shouldn't dictate public policy, while the Alliance under Megawathi, Gus Dul, Amien Rassi, and other figure then stepped in and present their case of necessary economic and political reforms under an independent republic – the "important stuff".
Liberal Fascism and Soft Violence
During the blood-drenched Bersiap period in 1946, Pemuda millitias hunted and genocided feudal lords and aristocrats that had ruled Dwipantara for hundreds of years. Many fears the same thing will be repeated against hardline ulemas and Arabic sayyids in the event of independence.
Ever since taking over the Republikens' propaganda machine in 1997, the Alliance's narrative has noticeably shifted harder and more populist. In particular, the campaign against the rule of the habib oligarchs and foreign-sourced sayyids has started to reach 'racism against Arabs' territory, especially when talking about land ownership. The criticism against Islam, the teachings, and especially the conservative scholars and ulemas has also been increasingly brutal and will be regarded as an incendiary hate speech in western country. This might be due to the effect of the heating election campaign, but even with its immense effectivity, some views it as too aggressive. The majority of liberal Republikens however has largely played along with Rein's methods, as view that Republiken racism against Arabs is impossible, as Rein himself (the Republikens' propaganda chief) is of an Arabic descent.
Meanwhile, the aforementioned attacks against conservative ulemas and scholars are very systematic and targeted. As a popular TV and radio personality, Rein would pick upon opposing voices one by one and mobilize his vast network to destroy the life and livelihood of such people, their group, and their family. He started from the most violent and puritan voices, where their hardline status even within Salafi circles granted them little support system. Then, Rein picked upon more and more people, closer and closer to the center, as long as they don't support the Republikens. Dirt would be dug, nicknames would be given, proxy agents are hired to intimidate, undisprovable accusations would be spread by aligned actors, damaging lawsuits will be launched, while Rein himself stay as a neutral figure 'concerned with the scandals currently implicating that guy' and far from the dirty war currently being campaigned.
These efforts are meticulously planned and carried out, with regards to the political map and divide and conquer strategy so that the majority of ulemas didn't unite against him before it is too late. For example, Rein made sure to attack the FPI and its key people when their organization happened to be violently at odds with the far larger Muhammadiyah. The end goal is to break apart Islamist power and their respected ulemas into little competing faction that hates eachother, then fan the flames to degrade the supposed holiness of the ulemas and their teachings – making them even more vulnerable to both atheist and moderate criticism. With the Islamists' cohesion in chaos, the Republikens can then finally start to actually criminalizing the ulemas. After all, many Islamists ARE responsible for countless cases of pogroms, ethnic and religious violence, hate speech, sexual abuse, and other criminal activities, of which the police will then be mobilized to investigate the cases and arrest the perpetrators. Essentially, this gives the secular Republikens the power to determine who is a "good" ulema and who is a "bad" ulema.
Some anti-Republikens has suspected that these strategies are inspired by the 20th century fascist movement in Italy. The goal of such vicious and publicly broadcasted efforts are to build up citizen's apathy on the denigration and criminalization of Islam and its ulemas. Disarming Islam's violent tendencies has always been the Republikens' priority, and by making blasphemy and borderline-hate-speech criticism against Islam an everyday norm, the 'divine-ness' of Islam will denigrate and the religion will lose its gripping status, allowing a secular republic to take over. While encouraging talks and discussions, more violent and rock-headed players must be bullied and attacked untul their life are completely destroyed. By removing those who are a pain to deal with, Rein's strategy ensures that the debates and reform discussion regarding Islam are tightly controlled to benefit the Republikens.
Main Article: Menteng Papers
Meeting of Republiken leaders in Megawathi's residence, Menteng, DKI Zakar'tah.
In a way, the Menteng Papers is Rein's most important and ambitious exercise of political prowess that he had ever taken. He, along with Amien Rassi, General Raiz, and AG Kartasasmita is included in the Alliance task force to draft the Menteng Papers. He was tasked to provide opinions and draft strategies from a public opinion and socio-political viewpoint. The papers essentially details all the general direction and scenarios for Republikens to follow until 2004. It's content includes power sharing agreements, military mobilization and manuver plots, foreign affairs and economic revitalization plans, to identification of potential allies and enemies –domestic or foreign– and what strategies the Republikens should take to deal with those possible alternatives.
Contrary to Rein's personal liberalism however, the plan are notably authoritarian in nature. The most jarring points are the establishment of the KAP-Khawarij ("Committee of Action to Destroy the Khawarijs"), a semi-independent board headed by General Raiz with the power to round up and arrest potentially dangerous Islamist opposition. The papers also details the Republikens' controversial plan for a peaceful transition to democracy, where pro-Republiken military generals (who are plagued with human rights and war crime cases) will essentially be granted immunity for like 30 years and then be asked to participate in the new democratic system as contributing players. In essence, this set a Republiken doctrine of "ignore past injustices if it benefits our cause."
To put it more bluntly, the papers very clearly set up a system ripe for an oligarchical democracy to blossom. But as the alternatives –such as disagreements leading to a military coup and junta, or degeneration into a corrupt one-party dictatorship, or civil war– are far worse, Rein believed that his plan is the best possible solution the four can think of. And to trim down these oligarchic tendency, Rein did inserted his own plans to curb the powers of the new ruling class. This includes"
The establishment of a strong, independent Corruption Eradication Commission and campaigned for it, hoping that such agencies would be able to keep the new powers in check.
Plans and systems to guarantee the freedom of the press and public discourse, so that the people can keep an eye on the government.
Electoral laws designed to promote a multiparty system and allow power to cycle, thereby preventing an entrenched mafia state from developing and give chance for "refreshment" to the system.
Rein found more difficulty at the planning of foreign policy strategies, which called for solutions based on diplomatic efforts through large foreign intervention by big powers. This doctrine is inspired by the 1945-1949 Republican independence efforts, where Dwipantaran diplomatic successes were able to steamroll Dutch military successes. As a peaceful independence is a Republiken priority, civil war or Islamist insurgency inside the archipelago must be avoided at all cost, else the resulting destruction will be a coup de grace to the already failing, fragile Dwipantaran economy. As the price, this means that foreign powers will hold a large sway over early Republiken governance. Rein must thus be very careful to maintain Dwipantaran independence by balancing out the interests of Washington, Kuomintang, Tokyo, and Canberra, and prevent the archipelago from becoming a client state of any one of them.
Natural selection is one of the simplest and most efficient principles that is able to produce great and adaptive systems.
Charles Darwin and his works deeply influenced how Rein views the world and its system. Despite the Khilafah's propaganda efforts to define "all communists are atheists" and vice versa "all atheists are communist" (communism in Dwipantara has a terrible reputation due to the 1948 uprising and its staunch opposition against Islamism during the 1950's), Rein is firmly opposed to left wing ideologies, and viewed pro-investment, deregulative free market policies as the remedy to Dwipantara's economic malaise. A perfect system, he viewed, is not designed by "a wise king on the top" (a big reason of his opposition to both Islam and left-wing politics), but is a flexible system capable of "evaluation and correction" that promotes advancement by "continuing good results and eliminating the bad" – analogous to Darwinian evolution. He also identifies crony corruption and justice malpractices as the two most dangerous disease that must be tackled, and is a strong campaigner for the establishment of an independent Corruption Eradication Comission. Even then, Rein will be considered a centrist in Western politics. In particular, he believes that Dwipantara is nowhere near the stage needed to allow a liberal market economy, and that rapid industrialization through the state's heavy-handed approach in building infrastructure, industries, and education, probably funded by foreign loans, is necessary to get Dwipantara to a competitive stage as soon as possible.
Politically, Rein supports Pantjasila Democracy. The democracy part is straightforwatrd, as Rein believes any system is subject to the second law of thermodynamics (a system always moves to chaos), and thus must be "corrected" from time to time. Strong oversight institutions and a free, educated, open society capable of running a "marketplace of ideas" is thus a no-brainer for a system that seeks to regularly evaluate and reform itself. Meanwhile, although "Pantjasila" sounded like a confusing native-born ideology, in reality it is basically a centrist limitation of "acceptable ideologies" that are allowed to operate in Dwipantara. Tolerant centrism aligned to unitary integration are promoted, while extreme ideologies like communism and Salafi Islamism, something deemed as a source of disintegration on Dwipantaran society, should be stamped out. Combined, Rein believes that the two ideas will be the best self-sustaining system to govern the diverse archipelago.
However, he has meanwhile been criticized for his strong stance on pragmatism, which believes that "the end justify the means." This is in reference to his willingness to cooperate and offer negotiations with questionable elements, such as the province's defense chief, Lt. Gen. Wintarto (a war criminal despised by many activists), or even CIA operatives. Although thanks to this compromising attitude, mass protests in Java and Sumatra had stayed relatively safe and active due to the protection of the Red-White faction of the military, as opposed to being massacred ala Tiananmen Square. More importantly, Rein also viewed an open and protracted civil war between the Alliance and Khilafahists as detrimental for the future of a new and independent Republic. It is, in his opinion, far more rational to work with closet republiken establishment figures (who are actually interested in reforming Dwipantara for the better). Their past crimes can wait.
Dwipantara's geopolitical reality serves as the basis of the Bebas dan Aktif principle, the state's foreign policy doctrine sown within its original 1945 constitution before the Khilafah's annexation.
Rein is an ardent proponent of the Posisi Silang ("Crossroad Position") theory, which outlines Dwipantara's geopolitical reality and what strategies it should seek to aim. The theory states that for much of its history, Dwipantara is located between the intersections of the world's civilizations: China, India, and recently Japan and the West. Establishing a balance of power and prominence in Southeast Asia is key to absorb the benefits of this position and make Dwipantara progress as a nation. Venturing too far, like its Khilafah experiment with the Arabs, would be unsustainable as it deny the archipelago from the far more important Chinese, Japanese, and Western markets. Because of this, Dwipantara must pursue a Bebas dan Aktif (free and active) foreign policy and not be aligned too closely to any major power. Instead, she must aim to build international cooperation – most importantly with fellow Southeast Asian nations – and avoid physical conflicts, while adamantly oppose all form of imperialism to increase the cumulative bargaining powers of fellow developing nations against major powers.
This concept forms the basis of Dwipantara's support for Pan-Asianism, where major Asian countries (termed the "Asian Tigers") should unite into a bloc and work together to remove both western and Khilafah influence from the continent, utilizing their large population and explosive economic growth to do so. As freedom is partcipation in power, Asian states should destroy the Islamist menace and build themselves a strong, growing market civilization that rivals that of the western civilization, culminating in a greater Asian voice and bargaining power on the world stage. One such realization of this concept is the proposed formation of the Anti-Khilafah League, a coordinated effort by both rebelling Khilafah provinces and the nations supporting them to accelerate the Islamist collapse and restructure the region into a stable community of nations. This is where Bebas dan Active deviate from true Pan-Asianism, though. Dwipantaran support for the continental coalition should only be seen as a tool to remove any dominating foreign forces into a managable level. Any real integrationist policy should only be limited to Southeast Asia, and no more. When it is done, Dwipantara should stop and then shift its focus on maintaining the balance of power, flip-flopping foreign policy if necessary while utilizing its vast market potential as a bargaining chip until thr country is strong enough to stand on its own as a major player.
This is why he is concerned with the Alliance's leadership, as the left-wing Pan-Asianist Megawathi wants to drive Dwipantara directly into Beijing and its ruling Kuomintang, while Amien Rassi and his PAN is even more direct in their ambition to enter the US-led Trans-Pacific Defense Partnership (also known as 'the Blue Wall'). These ideological differences has put him at odds against several factions within the Alliance, especially with the left-wing populist party PDDP and its leader, Megawathi. There has even been rumours that he is planning with many like-minded figures to betray her and instead push for other people that he deemed are better, such as the currently little-known pro-democracy General Susilo "SBJ" B. Judhajana to ursurp the presidency instead. Although, it has to be noted that he frequently stated national unity and independence as his "top #1 priority" and is willing to accept any president duly elected by the people. Still, to counter the threat of replacing one dictatorship with another, Rein has actively been building a network behind the scene with the goal of forcing Megawathi into power-sharing and acknowledging the supremacy of democratic institutions.
Dwipantaran Muslims, wearing the peci hat and sarung during a prayer.
The Enlightenment is the reason for the West's world domination. Whereas other civilizations (Islam, China, India, etc) became more isolationist and conservative during times of calamity, the west embraced progress, ditch outdated values, adapt, change, and reform. According to his point a view, this is because of Christianity's relative "flexibility". When a problem or societal shift came, such as the Heliocentric earth or the LGBT question, Christians would just patch their religion by making up a brand new interpretation of the bible out of thin air to adjust to the new reality, cherrypick verses, or even ignore several bible passages entirely, and move on. Rein, who doesn't believe in God, view this as the perfect system – he might be an ideologue, but he's also a realist. He sees no easy way for atheism and secular values to dominate Dwipantaran society, a society still under the fog of the radical kill-the-Jews Salafi Islam. Top-down approach (Atatürk) may backfire horribly (Erdogan). So there is no alternative except through the emulation of Europe's gradual dechristianization.
For this reason, he has vehemently campaigned for the Islam Dwipantara concept laid down by the Nahdlatul 'Ulama, Dwipantara's largest Muslim organization with 40 million members. Islam Dwipantara is a distinctive brand of Islam developed in the Dwipantaran archipelago at least since the 16th century, as a result of interaction, indigenization, and interpretation of universal Islamic values, according to socio-cultural reality of Dwipantara. Islam Dwipantara promotes moderation, compassion, anti-radicalism, inclusiveness, and tolerance. In particular, they are much more critical of the ancient Arabic tafsirs (exegesis), explanations of the Quran and Hadith that are basically additions to Islam made up by ancient ulemas – or, to put it in Rein's term, "demented grandpas from the middle of the desert who are both flat-earther and are already dead".
The main traits of Islam Dwipantara are tawasut (moderate), rahmah (compassionate), anti-radical, inclusive and tolerant. Tawasut by "moderate" here connotes the Sunni Islamic theological position of wasatiyyah rather than political position. Another distinctive aspect is the emphasis on Rahmatan lil Alamin (improvement for the universe) philosophy as Islamic universal value, which promote peace, tolerance, mutual respects and a somewhat pluralist outlook in regard of Islamic interactions within ummah (within Muslim community) and in inter-religions relations.
—Sheikh Elohim Divine Alatas, qadi of Bandaghah city explaining Salafi Islam's concept of "the greater good". This concept serves as the foundation for the Amar Ma'ruf Nahi Munkar (enjoin good forbid evil) doctrine.
This would be a major and radical shift of value from Salafi Islam's emphasis of amar ma'ruf nahi munkar (enjoining good and forbidding evil) philosophy, which advocates for religious vigilantism, violence, social isolation of reformers, inquisitive anti-hereticism, a push for extremism ("better safe than sorry"), and the enforcement of draconian Sharia rulings.
In its relations to local culture, Islam Dwipantara uses a sympathetic cultural approach on teaching Islam; it did not destroy, disrupt or supplant the native culture, but on the contrary embraces, honor, nurture and preserves local culture. One of the main characteristic of Islam Dwipantara is the consideration of local Dwipantaran culture in forming their fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence). By stacking important religious positions with liberal or reformist kyais and ulemas, a strong and moderate secular republic can emerge with minimal bloodshed. Gradual reforms can then be applied, most critically in education.
Rein's political leanings. Despite being an avid internationalist who wishes for a democratic world government that can bring order and efficiency to the human civilization, he is also a pragmatist that recognizes the present geopolitical anarchy and the necessity to survive as a nation in such terrible place.
Terrorist bombing of JW Mariott hotel, Kuningan, where Rein was staying for business purposes. Under Khilafah rule, vigilante Islamists have blossomed like crazy and often employed terror to silence opposition.
In 1993, Rein moved to DKI Zakar'tah, the provincial capital to study law at Universitas Dwipantara (UD). He now lives with his cat and a few friends in a small kost (dormitory) in Kebajoran Baru, southern Zakar'tah. For security reasons, he and his dorm (whose location is classified) is protected 24/7 by members of the Banser, a giant armed paramilitary force "owned" by the leviathan moderate Muslim organization Nahdlatul 'Ulama. Juno Fullmoon, his secret girlfriend and a medical student also studying at UD, lives at another dorm just across the street, but they only sparingly meet up directly to avoid suspicion. Of course, on those times, Juno disguised herself as a male to avoid the Mutawa (moral police).
Rein owns a Harley Davidson motorbike that he named "Arceus" (he always bragged about this name selection, as Arceus is the God of the Pokemon world – meaning now he's reining God like a horse). In long holidays, he often toured across Java island with either his college friends, brothers, or his girlfriend. To avoid public recognition, at every tour he combed his hair to the back, put on googles, and wear hardrock attires that is very far from the image of a pious religious figure.
Rein sees himself as the incarnation of Satrio Piningit, a messianic figure foretold by a mystical legend from the 12th century.
Secretly, Rein really believes that he is actually the coming of Satrio Piningit ("the Hidden Knight"), a holy messiah prophesied by the mystical King Djajabaja (1135-1179) that will cleanse the archipelago from the disastrous kalabendu (decandency) era and make the Dwipantaran archipelago great again. According to the prophecy, Satrio Piningit is said to be a charismatic, just, and kind leader who is sakti mandraguna (a divinely blessed holy being who possess overwhelming magical powers).
Currently, his biggest lifelong dream is not to become the president or something ambitious like that, but to "touch snow". Snow is unavailable in tropical countries, while the Khilafah's international isolation makes it nearly impossible to get a visa to countries that have snow.
There is a conspiracy theory within the Young Foxes that Rein's cat, Oreo, is actually the one running things, while Rein is just a puppet carrying out orders.
According to his psychological test during middle school, his IQ is 157, exactly the same as the brilliant Dwipantaran-born economist Sri Muljani Indrawati but still far behind Vice Governor-General Habeibi's 200.
Due to his past trauma in witnessing his mother stoned to death for a dubious adultery allegation, Rein possesses a particularly intense strain of haemophobia (fear of blood).
He drinks an unhealthy amount of ABC Sari Kacang Hijau (mung bean juice), which he buys everyday from a Dwipamaret near his dorm. In bad days, he also loves to indulge himself in vast amounts of bolu ketan hitam (black rice chiffon cake).
Despite his personal image as a cold-blooded political strategist, Rein have a soft spot in his step-sister, Mika, and his closest colleagues often jokes about his alleged sister complex. For security reasons, Mika is currently studying in Australia.
The black kopeah hat and the colorful sarung cloth are traditional Dwipantaran fashions that has been very popular with moderate Islamic figures, as they want to distance themselves from foreign Arabic culture.
Rein is a blasteran, or "mixed race", of Arabic sayyid lineage (from his father) and Javanese blood from his slave-turned-consort mother. He is quite tall for a Dwipantaran (around 183 cm) with black frizzy hair, pale skin, and dark eyes. Incredibly popular as a TV figure among the archipelago's housewives, moms, and grandmas, his usual attire consists of a pair of glasses, white shirt, a black jacket, imported white shoes, and is consistently seen with a box of mung bean juice on his hand.
When giving sermons as a young ustadz, he wears the traditional kopeah hat on his head and the sarung cloth with megamendung ("Great Clouds") motif around his neck, like a scarf. In this "Rein" mode, he speaks with a thick Arabic accent complemented by his vast memory of Quran and Hadith verses, and plays the role of a wise comforting academic who challenges the barbarity of Salafi Islamism. This persona of a smart, calm, quick-witted guy of the new generation is pivotal to amplify the effects of his campaign to #destroy (with FACTS and LOGIC) senior Salafi ulemas and their outdated opinions in TV debates.
As the Fox however, he distinctively combed his hairs to the back. His "revolutionary uniform" consists of the signature fox mask, white T-shirt, white trousers, the same white shoes, and red jackets – the colors of the Dwipantaran flag. In this "Fox" mode, he speaks with a mild Javanese accent, to differentiate his Fox and Rein persona when the two are in the midst of heated "debates" in radio or TV (the Fox vs. Ustaz Rein debates are prerecorded, with Rein voicing both characters). As the Fox, he plays the role of a idealistic and charismatic activist who agitates his fellow atheists to rise up, light the torch of truth and overthrow the dark fascist Khilafah state.
With glasses. Rein's daily attire is designed to stay unassuming and hide his 'dangerous revolutionary figure' charisma.
With mask. Rein specifically chose an unnamed masked mascot to represent the Republikens because he wants to take away moral leadership from the Alliance's top figures and prevent a personality cult from developing, particularly the left-wing Megawathi.
With his Chinese, non-Muslim secret girlfriend. Due to Rein's status as a nationally fenomenal Muslim ustaz and the de facto face of the moderate Islam, this secret relationship has led him to be branded as the "Naughtiest Bad Boy on the Planet" by his closest circle, as zina (extra-marital relationship) is banned by Islam.
0. Rein E. Divine Alatas, the Fox
Squad A / Strategic Command
1. M. Sendjakala Al Rachman, the Magician
2. Georgina P. Vaisiepo, the High Priestess
3. Ida Bagus G. Tritamajanti, the Empress
4. Prananda E. Divine Alatas, the Emperor
Squad B / Research Command
5. La Ulil Mattoluwu, the Hierophant
6. Juno L. Fullmoon, the Lovers
7. Vulcan K.A. Redhara, the Chariot
8. Daniel K. Siambaton, the Justice
Squad C / Campaign Command
9. Kevin M. Handjaja, the Hermit
10. M. Raffles Keimena, the Wheel of Fortune
11. M. Jaztier Alamsjah, the Strength
12. Abu Permadi Djanda, the Hanged Man
13. Oreo R. Divine Alatas, the Death