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The province is part of a theocratic, Islamic Khilafah state, ruled by an unelected, male-only Governor-General who hold legislative, executive, military, and judicial power. The governor-general himself is appointed at the pleasure of the male-only, Muhammad-descendant only, fat, frail, cognitively declining, and impulsive grandpa who claims that he is Khalifah (supreme leader) of all Muslims, who lives very far away (7,900 km across the ocean). A somewhat elected Shura Council with advisory powers also exists. Outside of its populated regions, Dwipantara has vast areas of wilderness that support a high level of biodiversity. The province has abundant natural resources like oil and natural gas, coal, tin, copper, gold, and nickel, while agriculture mainly produces rice, palm oil, tea, coffee, cacao, medicinal plants, spices, and rubber.
The history of the Dwipantaran archipelago has been influenced by foreign powers drawn to its natural resources. It has been a valuable region for trade since at least the 7th century when Srivijaya and then later Majapahit traded with entities from mainland China and the Indian subcontinent. Local rulers gradually absorbed foreign influences from the early centuries and Hindu and Buddhist kingdoms flourished. Muslim traders and Sufi scholars brought Islam, while European powers brought Christianity and fought one another to monopolise trade in the Spice Islands of Maluku during the Age of Discovery. Although sometimes interrupted by the Portuguese, French and British, the Dutch were the foremost European power for much of their 350-year presence in the archipelago. In the early 20th century, the concept of "Dwipantara" as a nation-state emerged, and the independence movement began to take shape. At the end of World War II, Dwipantara proclaimed its independence in 1945. However, it was not until 1949 that the Netherlands recognised Dwipantara's sovereignty following an armed and diplomatic conflict between the two. The economy did not improve after the independence, coinciding with the rise of Islamism, which continued to grow unchecked after the crushing of left-wing groups in 1962, except by the military. Large-scale support from the Khilafah state flooded the young nation, and in 1965, a group of Islamist young officers kidnapped and murdered nearly the entire leadership of the army. The result was a short civil war, a genocide of more than 3 million people, and the annexation of the country to the Khilafah state.
Policies implemented by the new regime did nothing to increase economic growth, however. As the stated goal of the Khilafah state is to 'spread Islam', infrastructure development and financial policies became a secondary priority. Combined with opposition to free market reforms and the 'Anti-Riba (Ursury) Act', which closes 95 out of 100 banks and essentially banned the whole modern financial system from the surface of the state, the abysmal economic performance forced the province to rely more and more on natural commodities and the generosity of the oil-bathing central government. In 1996-1997, collapse in oil prices and cuts on grants sparked nation-wide unrests, which saw the 'Alliance to Restore the Republic' rising to the spotlight.
Dwipantara consists of hundreds of distinct native ethnic and linguistic groups, with the largest—and politically dominant—ethnic group being the Javanese. In the past, a shared identity has developed, defined by a national language, ethnic diversity, religious pluralism within a Muslim-majority population, and a history of colonialism and rebellion against it. Dwipantara's past national motto, "Bhinneka Tunggal Ika" ("Unity in Diversity" literally, "many, yet one"), articulates the diversity that shapes the country. This identity, which was violently suppressed by three decades of the Islamist regime (who stated that national identities are arbitrary thaghut teachings not found in the Quran and Hadith), has seen a major revival as the Khilafah Monetary Crisis of 1997 worsens.
Dwipantara had its roots in the Sanskrit language, with dwipa meaning 'islands' and antara meaning 'between'. The phrase originated from the ancient kingdom of Singhasari in eastern Java, where king Kertanegara sought to unite the archipelago against the Tartar Mongols' colonization effort. His descendants sucessfully united the thousands of islands under the Majapahit banner, whose legendary tale became a source of inspiration for contemporary Republikens.
The standard way to refer to a citizen of Dwipantara is as a "Dwipantaran."
A Borobudur ship carved on Borobudur temple, c. 800 CE. Outrigger boats from the archipelago may have made trade voyages to the east coast of Africa as early as the 1st century CE.[.
Fossilised remains of Homo erectus, popularly known as the "Java Man", suggest the Dwipantaran archipelago was inhabited two million to 500,000 years ago. Homo sapiens reached the region around 43,000 BCE. Austronesian peoples, who form the majority of the modern population, migrated to Southeast Asia from what is now Taiwan. They arrived in Dwipantaran around 2,000 BCE and confined the native Melanesian peoples to the far eastern regions as they spread east. Ideal agricultural conditions, and the mastering of wet-field rice cultivation as early as the eighth century BCE allowed villages, towns, and small kingdoms to flourish by the first century CE. The archipelago's strategic sea-lane position fostered inter-island and international trade, including with Indian kingdoms and Chinese dynasties, from several centuries BCE. Trade has since fundamentally shaped Dwipantara's history.
From the seventh century CE, the Srivijaya naval kingdom flourished as a result of trade and the influences of Hinduism and Buddhism. Between the eighth and tenth centuries CE, the agricultural Buddhist Sailendra and Hindu Mataram dynasties thrived and declined in inland Java, leaving grand religious monuments such as Sailendra's Borobudur and Mataram's Prambanan. The Hindu Majapahit kingdom was founded in eastern Java in the late 13th century, and under Gajah Mada, its influence stretched over much of present-day Dwipantara. This period is often referred to as a "Golden Age" in Dwipantaran history.
The earliest evidence of Islamized populations in the archipelago dates to the 13th century in northern Sumatra. Other parts of the archipelago gradually adopted Islam, and it was the dominant religion in Java and Sumatra by the end of the 16th century. For the most part, Islam overlaid and mixed with existing cultural and religious influences, which shaped the predominant form of Islam in Dwipantara, particularly in Java.
The submission of Prince Diponegoro to General De Kock at the end of the Java War in 1830.
The first Europeans arrived in the archipelago in 1512, when Portuguese traders, led by Francisco Serrão, sought to monopolise the sources of nutmeg, cloves, and cubeb pepper in the Maluku Islands. Dutch and British traders followed. In 1602, the Dutch established the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and became the dominant European power for almost 200 years. The VOC was dissolved in 1800 following bankruptcy, and the Netherlands established the Dutch East Indies as a nationalised colony.
For most of the colonial period, Dutch control over the archipelago was tenuous. Dutch forces were constantly engaged in quelling rebellions both on and off Java. The influence of local leaders such as Prince Diponegoro in central Java, Imam Bonjol in central Sumatra, Pattimura in Maluku, and bloody 30-year war in Aceh weakened the Dutch and tied up the colonial military forces. Only in the early 20th century did their dominance extend to what was to become Dwipantara's current boundaries.
The Japanese invasion and subsequent occupation during World War II ended Dutch rule and encouraged the previously suppressed independence movement. Two days after the surrender of Japan in August 1945, Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta, influential nationalist leaders, proclaimed Dwipantaran independence and was appointed president and vice president respectively. The Netherlands attempted to re-establish their rule, and a bitter armed and diplomatic struggle ended in December 1949 when the Dutch formally recognised Dwipantaran independence in the face of international pressure. Despite extraordinary political, social and sectarian divisions, Dwipantarans, on the whole, found unity in their fight for independence.
Sukarno (right) and Hatta (left), Dwipantara's founding fathers and the first President and Vice President.
As president, Sukarno moved Dwipantara from democracy towards authoritarianism and maintained power by balancing the opposing forces of the military and the increasingly powerful political islamists under the banner of Masjumi. After the fall of DK/TKD (Darul Komunis/Tentara Komunis Dwipantara, a communist rebellion), tensions between the nationalist military and the Masjumi culminated in a islamist coup in 1965 by an Islamist army faction led by Lt. Col. Untung Syamsuri. The Khilafah, who had been infiltrating the state for a long time, immediately activated its cells and pressed on by instigating a violent anticommunist and anti-republiken purge that massacred between one to three million people. Khilafah's armed forces entered Zakartah on the 7th of February 1967 and Syamsuri is appointed interim Governor-General by Khalifah Taqi al-Din al-Nabhani, however soon out of favor. A series of infighting and bad economic decision soon became the norm, as leaders cling to power by shifting further and further to the right, while increasingly relying on powerful 'mini-kings' regional military commanders who accumulated more and more power.
Civil wars erupted across the archipelago, with the bloodiest engulfing Bali and North Sumatra. A new internal resistance also slowly formed, who named themselves 'Alliance to Restore the Republic'– a direct reference to Star Wars and its fight against the evil Galactic Empire. The cumulative turmoil intensely hampered the regimes' development policies, which forced them to rely more and more on commodities and petroleum, ironically making the regime subservient to the whims of the international market. More importantly, the sharia law proved to be a big drag on economic growth, with its primitive to nonexistent understanding of modern economics effectively cutting off the whole state from financial modernization. This proved fatal in 1996, when oil prices tanked and now the regime have to figure out a way to fund the bloated military, the corrupt habib oligarchs, and the oversized welfare system that feeds the majority of the poverty-stricken populace.
In response to the radical tyranny expressed by the regime, atheist movements which had secretly been growing exploded across campuses in the 1990's, which quickly flares down to the general populace, especially after the Alliance recognized Islam as a whole as the main obstacle to their political ambitions. With the central government busy dealing with its own crisis (after all, petroleum funds about 65-70% of their budget), the province is now teetering on strucural collapse. Internal division inside the military (a lot of whom sympathizes with the nationalist cause) was uncovered during the Zakartah Mass Protests of August 1997, which has emboldened the millions of protesters to press for bigger and bigger demands. As strife spreads from Marrakesh to Makassar, many have even expressed hope for a 'Japanization' of Dwipantara, referring to the US occupation and restructurization of Japan from 1945-1952 which resulted in the marvelous success of that east Asian nation.
Dwipantara lies between latitudes 11°S and 6°N, and longitudes 95°E and 141°E. It is the largest archipelagic state in the world, extending 5,120 kilometres (3,181 mi) from east to west and 1,760 kilometres (1,094 mi) from north to south. According to the country's Coordinating Secretariat for Maritime Affairs, Dwipantara has 17,504 islands (16,056 of which are registered at the UN), scattered over both sides of the equator, and with about 6,000 of them inhabited. The largest are Java, Sumatra, Borneo (shared with Malaya province), Sulawesi, and New Guinea (shared with Papua New Guinea).
Dwipantara is an ethnically diverse country, with around 300 distinct native ethnic groups. Most Dwipantara descend from Austronesian-speaking peoples whose languages had origins in Proto-Austronesian, which possibly originated in what is now Taiwan. Another major grouping is the Melanesians, who inhabit eastern Dwipantara (the Maluku Islands and Western New Guinea). The Javanese are the largest ethnic group, comprising 40.2% of the population.They are predominantly located in the central to eastern parts of Java and also sizable numbers in most provinces. The Sundanese, Batak, Madurese, Minangkabau and Buginese are the next largest groups in the country.
Elite habib residential mansions on BSD next to a Christian ghetto. As mandated by Quran 8:41, the state is forced to give away a whopping 8% of the income from war spoils to the habibs – larger than the budget of the Ministry of Infrastructure – only to be spent on hedonistic riches and political deals.
Despite this however, most power are concentrated on an oligarchy of Arabic descendants called 'habibs' who claimed direct lineage to the prophet Muhammad. Under the principle of 'divine nepotism', those who had completed the bureaucratic verification of their lineage to the prophet will automatically be granted the powers and statuses as a habib. Not loving a habib is the same as not loving the prophet, and opposition against them can result in not only criminal sanction, but an eternal torture in hell. In fact, lineage to Muhammad's tribe, the Quraish tribe, is a legal requirement for anyone who seeks to become the Khalifah (and by extension, the governor general). In recent times, moderate Muslims have pointed out that Charlemagne is the direct ancestor to all native Europeans, and he lived in 800 CE. Muhammad lived 200 years before, meaning that his descendants would number in the hundreds of millions if not billions, rendering the whole habib aristocratic system irrelevant.
In the past, the archipelago's official language is Dwipantaran, a variant of Malay based on its prestige dialect, which for centuries had been the lingua franca of the archipelago. It was promoted by nationalists in the 1920s and achieved official status under the name Bahasa Dwipantara in 1945. As a result of centuries-long contact with other languages, it is rich in local and foreign influences, including from Javanese, Sundanese, Minangkabau, Hindi, Sanskrit, Chinese, Arabic, Dutch, Portuguese and English. Nearly every Dwipantaran speaks the language due to its widespread use in education, academics, communications, business, politics, and mass media. Dwipantarans also speak at least one of more than 700 local languages, often as their first language. Some belong to the Austronesian language family, while there are over 270 Papuan languages spoken in eastern Dwipantara. Of these, Javanese is the most widely spoken.
Dwipantaran is still most of Dwipantarans' language of choice, even though Arabic is the official language of the state. Due to Arabic's complicated nature and its foreignness to the Dwipantaran grammar system, even as of today, Dwipantaran still stood strong as a second language of the media, education, and popular culture, finding itself popular with the uneducated poor. This makes the majority of Dwipantarans a trilingual: able to speak Arabic, Dwipantaran, and their regional language. In fact, popular moderate cleric Gus Dur regularly uses Javanese in his rallies and sermons in East Java, so as to confuse the watching intels and hide his subtle criticism against the government.
"Whatever, there shall be no church in our settlement which is still Islam-majority...!!!" – Although already-built non-Muslim buildings is protected by the sharia law, building a new one is completely prohibited.
Islamic supremacy is the norm, as the Muslim majority far exceeds the minority. The Khilafah does not recognize the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, or even the Geneva Convention for that matter, as 'the Sharia is enough'. With great power comes great power, and the ruling elite regularly sacrifices the religious minority as a scapegoat of all of the province's ills. It is forbidden to build new churches, or spread a religion other than Islam, or to criticize Islam in any way – with death penalty as a common sanction for the opposition. Conspiracy theories are facts and are taught in mosques and schools, ranging from the secret Christianization plans by the Chinese minority to the 34 ways the Jews are actually behind the problems plaguing the Khilafah, of which elementary school children are mandated to memorize.
This trick has its limits however, as it stripped away all sense of politeness and political correctness, a space happily filled by rapidly spreading atheism and agnosticism. Two main fronts of the spread of irreligiousity are the educated elite in universities, who found Islam as their largest obstacle in their way to freedom and progress, and the urban poor – usually laborers in manufacturing. Moderate cleric Gus Dur have even commented that "if the Khilafah didn't exist, we wouldn't have this many people throwing away their faith in mass," and has publicly supported a pluralist position of love and mercy. Rein Divine, a young and widely popular moderate activist has even gone so far by stating that "this racist and fascist Salafist Khilafah... is the world's most efficient atheist-producing factory."
In response to both the Salafists' cult-like practices, derogatorily termed as kegilaan nasional (national insanity), and the unstoppable explosion of public criticism against Islam – something that became a norm for the underground counterculture – people increasingly looks to moderate anti-Khilafah Islam as a solution. The Nahdlatul 'Ulama, a traditionalist and pluralist Muslim mass organization long accused of bid'ah (innovation) has its membership number grew to 90 million by 1997. Popular with their social programs and the Banser paramilitary, which has long provided stability for East and Central Java, such anti-Salafist movements has now became a backbone of the peaceful opposition against the Khilafah regime.
Kassaro y Kassiru
This hadith is put on the walls of every government building, military base, and universities, in an attempt to use Allah to prevent opposition movements from blooming.
As the leader of all of Muslim, the Khalifah holds near-absolute powers: the power to make and pass laws, to run the government, to appoint cabinet members, to handpick and remove all regional governor-generals without any election required, to command the military, to appoint the chief justice, to set and pass the budget, and more, with the Shura Council only having some advisory powers.
The procedure of electing a new Khalifah is as followed:
Citizens, Muslim-only, votes to elect a Shura Council. Due to its small membership and insane competiton, this council is usually filled by oligarchs from the clergy, military, business, or habib aristocracy.
The Khilafah waits until the ruling Khalifah dies, impeached and removed, or (most likely) assasinated.
The Shura Council votes for a new Khalifah. This process is completely dependent on the interests of the oligarchs within the Shura Council.
The new Khalifah is elected, and serves for life. However, he needs a bai'at (oath of life-long unquestioning loyalty) from all citizens to legalize his position*). Then he can grab all of a Khalifah's powers: legislative, executive, military, and judicial (he appoints the chief justice) without separation of power.
If the Khalifah did impeachable offenses, he may be removed by the Shura Council. It is however very likely that the Shura Council is stacked by decadent elites, or that the Khalifah (who, due to the nature of Islam's primitive government system, don't have any concept of separation of power or term length or term limit), seized power with the military's backing and ruled autocratically. If so, Muslims can just start a rebellion, kill the Khalifah, and start the whole process again. If things go south again, rinse and repeat.
Truly a stable system.
(* By saying nothing, you will be counted as someone who has swore an oath of unquestioning eternal loyalty to whoever random oligarch that has been elected as Khalifah. Alternatively, you can speak out and refuse to give the bai'at – therefore going against the apathetic stance of the majority of citizens – and be sentenced to death.
The Khalifah usually delegates his lowers to his regional Governor-Generals, who usually busies themselves in accumulating as much power as possible. This ultra-powerful position – the same powers as a Khalifah, but restricted to one certain province – requires no elections, nor any trace of experience or competency, except this four criteria:
Male (no females)
Anyone who fullfills this criteria can be a leader. Anyone who doesn't, can't. The most recent Governor-General of Dwipantara, H.M. Sourheart – a random little-known nephew of the current Khalifah – currently holds absolute power on the land where 202 million people live, even though that former highschool dropout can't even speak Dwipantaran and have to be followed by a translator everywhere.
Mabahith Director Maj. Gen. Kill van Zen (left), leader of the Islamist 'Green' faction, and Defense Chief Lt. Gen. Wintarto (right), leader of the nativist-nationalist 'Red-White' faction.
As a province, Dwipantara is not allowed to have their own standing armed forces and have to rely on the Khilafah's Ummah Armed Forces – divided into the Army, Navy, and Airforce, with 400.000 active duty personnels stationed in various parts of the country. As one of the region with the worst of conflicts, the armed forces plays a vital role in preserving the continuity of the state, and therefore sits on a dominating position within the province's politics. There has been a long-standing cooperation between the habib oligarchs and the commanders, most of whom are habibs themselves.
With an incompetent money-laundering pervert running the Governor-General palace, the provincial government has for a long time been relying on regional commanders to maintain the regime. The result is a phenomenon where these local warlords essentially serves as regional 'mini-kings', structuring each of their prefecture like a pyramid to enrich themselves and their cronies. With troops to guard their interests in plantations, slave trade, and mining, the wealth has built a national ecosystem where corruption and infighting are rampant, and two of the largest faction had been locked in a cold war: the 'Greens' under Regional Intelligence Director Van Zen, and the 'Red-Whites' under Regional Chief Secretary Wintarto. The internal rivalry between these factions has led to the province's lackluster performance in defense and security, as shown during the Bali pacification campaign against separatist rebels.
However, while the fractured provincial leadership of the armed forces are corrupted beyond salvation, this hadn't been the case with the younger officers, where nationalist idelas are still secretly taught and discussed. Mutinies and rebellions are a common occurrence, sometimes even supported by rivaling factions. There is also the fact that the armed forces' loyalty to the Khilafah is ambiguous, and General Wintarto has even expressed sympathy with the student protests' cause, a major factor that emboldened the Alliance to launch the SPADN 178.
Offshore oil drilling at North Natuna sea.
Natural resources extraction and agriculture completely dominates Dwipantara's economy, which make up for 80-90% of its GDP. However, most of it are controlled by a group of elite Arab-descended oligarchs called habibs which also happened to run the government, military, police, and intelligence. Meanwhile, the growth from industrial and service sectors are abysmal due to the province's backwards technology and education. Technology transfer as especially hampered, as relationship with foreign infidels like Toyota are strongly discouraged. Quran 3:118-120 even banned all Muslim from befriending a nonbeliever, greatly hampering the province's modernization. Deals with Japanese and Chinese investors on the Zabadatabak electric train network has for example been opposed by the most ardent ulemas.
These are not gold nuggets. These are coins, actual currency minted by the Khilafah and used by citizens. As paper and digital currency are forbidden to use, Dinars and Dirhams (whose value are way too high to be used in the daily life) are physically cut into 100 pieces each, the smallest being as small as one piece of rice.
The Khilafah state only allowed the Dinar and Dirham, coins made out of pure gold and silver as a valid currency. This is besides the fact that coins are easy to lose, hard to store, hard to use, and easy to forge – people minting fake dinars and dirhams from common metals are an everyday practice. While paper money's value can be controlled by policymakers, the national economy completely depends on the supply of precious metal, as shown by the horrific inflation of the '80s following the opening of the giant gold reserve in Timika, Papua. Morover, due to its high value – a Dinar is equal to the value of a goat, for example – it is necessary to cut some of the coins to a hundred pieces in order for it to be usable. This makes the currency impractical to use and carry around. For example, all citizens regularly carry a magnifying glass in their pocket to be able to be able to read the number minted on each cent.
More importantly, the Khilafah's primitive monetary system disabled the government from the many features of the modern economy, such as by implementing quantitative easing or adjusting the interest rate, policies that are actually very beneficial in easing economic slowdown and depressions – a big problem in Dwipantara, a developing nation with an abysmal average annual growth of 1.9% within the last 30 years (developing nations requires a minimal growth of 6-7% if they want to advance).
In 1971, the zealous new Province 14 Government passed the "Anti-Riba Act", which outlawed modern finance from the territory of Dwipantara. 95 out of 100 banks, insurance companies, leasing, and other financial corporations was closed within 3 weeks – resulting in a shock unseen since 1929 and a recession-stagnation cycle for the next three decades of Khilafah rule. The Banks' response: improvise, adapt, overcome.
The central features of an Islamic economy are often summarized as: (1) the "behavioral norms and moral foundations" derived from the Quran and Sunnah; (2) collection of zakat and other Islamic taxes, (3) prohibition of interest (riba) charged on loans.
While sounding good on paper, senior economists have (under anonymity) disparage it for its alleged "incoherence, incompleteness, impracticality, and irrelevance", driven by "cultural identity" rather than problem solving. Popular Republiken campaigner, the Fox have even criticized the system by quoting Fred Halliday, a Middle East academist who criticized Sharia economics for being "a hodgepodge of populist and socialist ideas" in theory, and "nothing more than inefficient state control of the economy and some almost equally ineffective redistribution policies" in practice, and "In a political and regional context where Islamist and ulema claim to have an opinion about everything, it is striking how little they have to say about this most central of human activities, beyond repetitious pieties about how their model is neither capitalist nor socialist".
Most profound is the "preoccupation" among supporters of Islamic Economics that any and all interest on loans is riba and forbidden by Islam. However, risk-sharing alternatives to interest bearing loans originally envisioned for Islamic banking have not proven feasible. This has generated a practice called "fatwa shopping", as quoted from an investment banker in Zakartah.
The result is a wholly inneficient system of a shaky capitalist national finance, with a castrated government unequipped with the right tools to function as an efficient regulating fiscal regime. In recent times, moderate Islamic economists have started to sprung out, calling for reforms that will essentially unban the modern economic system and deliver the necessary changes to kickstart the province again. Popular cleric Gus Dur, for example, have stated that interest rates in banks are "not riba."
One of the key tenets of Sharia economics is far more problematic than the rest, however, as explained below.
Taxation without representation
In Arabic, tax is known with the name of الْعُشْرُ (Al-Usyr) or الْمَكْسُ (Al-Maks), or can also be called لضَّرِيْبَةُ (Adh-Dharibah), whose meaning is; “a levy taken from the people by the tax collectors." Taxes are found in many forms: land tax, income tax, VAT, luxury goods tax, transit tax, corporate tax, etc, and are used by the government for the good of the many.
US deficit, insanely huge despite its modern taxation system. Now imagine if the majority of taxes are only burdened to a poor, discriminated minority a tenth of the population while the rest pays a flat 2.5%, along with other mini-taxes. How much more massive will the deficit ballooned?
In Islam, the very concept of a "tax" collected from fellow Muslims is outlawed, except the not-tax-but-actually-tax zakat of 2.5%. For example, the land levy: Imam Ibnu Qudamah in his book Al-Mughni (4/186-121) described that the land of the Muslim Ummah is divided into two:
Territory confiscated by Muslims from the infidels without warfare, such as in Medina, Yemen, etc. Anyone who possesses land in those areas will have to pay a land tax, but this is only levied to the infidels (akin to Jizya), so only infidels pays.
Territories confiscated by Muslims from the infidels through warfare and invasions, where the native infidel population is expelled and all their lands are confiscated to be a waqf land for Muslims (if the lands are not divided by and for the Muslim colonizers). For a Muslim or an infidel who want to administer those waqf land, they have to pay a certain rent as their land is not theirs.
So historically, Islam only employ a discriminative form of taxation from infidels only. Taxing fellow Muslims are however haram (forbidden), and its collectors are threatened with sadistic punishments in the hereafter. According to Muhammad,
"Tax collectors will be punished in hell.”
In another long hadith about a woman who were being stoned to death for adultery, it was said:
Taxes are the foundation of the modern society. A tax (whether flat, business-friendly, progressive, redistributive, etc) made and voted by an elected representative body enables the nation to build infrastructure, fund the education system, build the military, and redistribute wealth in a targeted welfare system – as opposed to the puny 2.5% for-Muslim zakat tax, which is not enough, a nakedly obvious fact (compare that to the taxes of modern Western societies).
Batak-Christian slaves in a logging company in West Papua. Living conditions of abducted slaves in the Khilafah aren't actually that bad, in accordance with Islam's order to treat slaves fairly. They are still, however, slaves. Enslaved human beings.
More importantly, taxes also arms the people with power – no taxation without representation, as the public will demand accountability and transparency of the government to run their tax money. Read more: "The Rules for Rulers" by CGP Grey.
Therefore, the Islamic Khilafah's primitive fiscal system have forced them to rely more and more on natural resources exploitation (that accounts for 70% of their budget), most importantly oil. So capitalist oligarchs are free to roam while the people are forced to rely on Soviet-style free welfare system. Meanwhile, to keep up with the losses, the Khilafah have favoured another way to earn enough income: forgo taxes and take wealth directly, in line with the characteristics of a dictatorial government. Especially in the regions, where "mini-kings" local commander reign supreme. It is common for them to force farmers to sell their harvest at a hair-thin price, then sell them again at a ridiculously inflated price.
The Khilafah also opened vast mines and plantations in Dwipantara's outer Islands, most notably in Borneo and Sumatra, and then sent millions of infidel slaves abducted from rebelling non-Muslim majority regions throughout the Khilafah Islamiyah to work there. Not only that the ecological disaster it caused undercuts Dwipantara's future (considering that the Qiyamah or apocalypse is near, the environment or global warming aren't important), it also built a horrific system where the imperialistic Islamic government would invade weakly-defended infidel nations (such as the current Africa campaign), enslave the population and pillage their land as war spoils, send the non-Muslim slave labors to work at the mines or plantations, and divide the money: half is for the Muslim population in the form of subsidies, and half is for the three ruling oligarchal estates. This unprecedented exploitation unheard since the times of Van den Bosch have been one of the largest source of animosity within Dwipantara.
The Oil Glut of 1996-1997.
Predictably, this system have its problems. The Dutch Disease and the Resource Curse is an observed economic phenomenon where abundant natural wealth can be a source of destructive calamity for its owner without the right strategies to manage it. As foreign-educated Dwipantaran economists are expelled during the late 1960's and have never returned ever since, and as the entrenched oligarchal corruption eats the state alive from within, Dwipantara's HDI have been stagnant if not declinining within the last 30 years. All of this kalabendu decadency culminated in the late 1990's, when the price if oil and other natural commodities fell by an average of about 20-40%. The annual budget imploded overnight; as the ruling oligarchs demand their unfair share to secure their wealth, other areas such as subsidies, public transport, and education are forced to be cut for the government to be able to maintain power. The international community meanwhile refuses to cooperate, lend money, or help the isolationist, anti-West, anti-infidel, human rights abuses-ridden Khilafah at all. As of the end of 1997, riots and public demonstrations have froze the Khilafah central government and much of its regional subordinates, the worst being in India, Dwipantara, and Turkey.
Destruction of arcas and other immeasurably precious Dwipantaran heritage on Borobudur, Magelang, Central Jawwu residency.
"A'isha reported that Allah's Messenger (may peace be upon him) entered (my apartment) and I had hung (on the door of my apartment) a thin curtain having pictures on it. The colour of his face underwent a change. He then took hold of that curtain and tore it and then said: The most grievous torment for the people on the Day of Resurrection would be for those who try to imitate Allah in the act of creation. [Sahih Muslim 24:5258].
With many hadiths taking an strict anti-art, anti-creativity position, such as the prophet stating:
"The people who will receive the severest punishment from Allah will be the picture makers" [Sahih Bukhari 7:72:834], and
"From among my followers there will be some people who will consider illegal sexual intercourse, the wearing of silk, the drinking of alcoholic drinks and the use of musical instruments, as lawful. And there will be some people who will stay near the side of a mountain and in the evening their shepherd will come to them with their sheep and ask them for something, but they will say to him, 'Return to us tomorrow.' Allah will destroy them during the night and will let the mountain fall on them, and He will transform the rest of them into monkeys and pigs and they will remain so till the Day of Resurrection" [Sahih Bukhari 7:69:494],
it is no surprise that art, fashion, music, dances, movies, games, culture, and other forms of fun – a big part of the Dwipantaran national identity – are severely cracked down by the Khilafah government. Razias and mass art destruction occurs regularly, as these fun activities which have gave millions of people meaning in their life distract them from their REAL purpose on these world, worshipping and praising and obeying Allah like a mechanical slave until they die. As in accordance with the hadiths, music is only allowed during the 'Eid, itself is ridiculously restricted.
The traditional Jaipongan dance from West Java, performed in an undisclosed hidden location to avoid the wrath of the moral police.
Such monochromatic dystopian atmosphere is the most perfect breeding ground for the underground counterculture, which has ever since exploded. As the cold-blooded police literally go around stomping down on 'fun', art and music was given a whole new meaning in the rebellious hippie and similar movements. This have resulted in a unique brand of art form to arose, from novels (Rahman and Janett being the most popular) to musical videos, and is the most recognizable symbol of the Alliance to Restore the Republic, who regularly insert it within their agitation efforts. The band Slank in particular gained mass atention after their giant musical concert in the middle of Zakartah during the 1997 mass protests, with all of their speakers purposedly facing the Governor-General Palace.